A
IT IS A MISTAKEN BELIEF THAT ALL THE YOUNG MEN AND BOYS FROM THE SHANKILL AREA WHO ENLISTED IN THE BRITISH ARMY IN THE GREAT WAR OF 1914-1918 JOINED THE 9TH BATTALION ROYAL IRISH RIFLES THE WEST BELFAST VOLUNTEERS .U.S.S.F. MANY YOUNG MEN FROM THIS AREA JOINED ENGLISH ,SCOTS, AND INDEED JOINED THE 10TH AND 16TH IRISH DIVISIONS
ccording to populair
It was a belief that the youngest boy to enlist in the allied armi
es was John Condon from Waterford, Ireland. He was supposedly 12 years old .
In 1915 John Condon went with the Royal Irish Regiment to Flanders. He died on 24th May 1915, during a German gas-attack near Ypres. His gravestone (picture on the right), nr. 6322 at the Poelkapelle British Cemetery in Belgium, mentions his age as 14.
New investigations in 2002 by Aurel Sercu from Ypres, Flanders, revealed that someone else may be buried in John Condon's grave. Sercu also found indications that John Condon was in fact 18 years old.
WE MUST BE CAREFUL NOT TO PUT THE 10TH AND 16TH IRISH DIVISIONS ON ONE HAND AND THE 36TH ULSTER DIVISION ON THE OTHER INTO THE OBVIOUS POLITICAL NICHES SOME IRISH REGIMENTS NOTABLY THE ROYAL IRISH RIFLES HAD ALWAYS RECRUITED BOTH CATHOLICS AND PROTESTANTS. AN OFFICER IN THE 10TH DIVISION WE FOUND THOUSANDS OF POINTS ON WHICH WE AGREED ON THE SAME MUSIC COULD SPEAK TO BOTH. WHEN THE PIPES OF THE ROYAL IRISH HOWLED OUT BRIAN BORU, THAT TUNE TRADITIONALLY PLAYED BY SOME IRISH REGIMENTS TO LIFT HEARTS AND SQUARE SHOULDERS IN THE ASSAULT ON GUILLEMONT ON THE 15TH SEPTEMBER 1916, A MAN DID NOT HAVE TO COME FROM THE SOUTH TO FEEL HIS SPIRITS SOAR.AND WHEN A NORTHERN BATTALION AND SOUTHERN BATTALION MET AND THE BAND PLAYED AN OLD REBEL AIR SHE,S THE MOST DISTRESSFUL COUNTRY , THERE WERE CHEERS OF APPROVAL.
THE APOTHEOSIS OF THE FIGHTING IRISH CAME ON THE 7TH JUNE 1917 WHEN THE 16TH AND THE 36TH DIVISION ATTACKED SIDE BY SIDE IN THE 2ND ARMY,S GREAT ASSAULT ON MESSINES RIDGE. THE HOME RULER JOHN REDMOND BROTHER MAJOR WILLIE REDMOND MP, WHO HAD LAST SPOKEN IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS JUST A MONTH BEFORE TO DEMAND IMMEDIATE HOME RULE FOR IRELAND, WAS AT 56 YEARS OLD TO OLD FOR FRONT LINE SERVICE. BUT HE BEGGED TO BE ALLOWED TO GO BACK TO HIS OLD BATTALION THE 6TH ROYAL IRISH BUT WAS HIT AS HE WALKED FORWARD SEEING REDMOND WOUNDED ON THE BATTLEFIELD STRETCHERS-BEARERS FROM THE 36TH ULSTER DIVISION RUSHED FORWARD PICKED HIM UP THE WOUND WOULD PROBABLY NOT HAVE KILLED A YOUNGER MORE FITTER MAN BUT IT WAS ALL TO MUCH FOR MAJOR REDMOND.
A ROMAN CATHOLIC CHAPLAIN TOLD HOW: HE RECEIVED EVERY POSSIBLE KINDNESS FROM THE ULSTER SOLDIERS.IN FACT, AN ENGLISHMAN ATTACHED TO THE ULSTER DIVISION EXPRESSED SOME SURPRISE AT THE EXTREME CARE THAT WAS TAKEN OF THE POOR MAJOR , THOUGH NO IRISH SOLDIER EXPECTED ANYTHING ELSE , AFTER ALL ULSTERMEN ARE IRISH TOO.
THE BRAVE 36TH ULSTER DIVISION
The division, formed mainly from the Ulster Volunteer Force, came into being in September 1914 as the Ulster Division with brigades numbered 1st, 2nd and 3rd. A month later it was numbered 36th, retaining its Ulster title and the brigades were renumbered 107th, 108th and 109th. As a divisional sign the Red Hand of Ulster was adopted. The 36th arrived in France in October 1915 and on 1st July 1916 its attack on the Schwaben Redoubt, Thiepval, achieved the only success that day apart from XIII Corps on the extreme right of Fourth Army.But the failure of the divisions on either flank to secure their objectives left the Ulstermen exposed and they were forced to fall back. Their casualties that day amounted to 5,100 and four VCs were won. Their memorial, the Ulster Tower, stands on the ground where they fought on that day. The division was at Messines in June 1917, fighting side by side with fellow Irishmen from the South, the 16th (Irish) Division in the capture of Wytschaete. Later in 1917 it was engaged in the Battle of Langemarck in August during Third Ypres and its last major action that year was at Cambrai where it took part in the tank attack and the capture of Bourlon Wood. When the German March 1918 offensive was launched the 36th was in the line just below St Quentin, part of the ill-fated Fifth Army. During the ensuing two weeks the division sustained 7,310 casualties, 5,845 of them missing. In April the division moved north to the Ypres Salient where it took part in the Lys battles and subsequently pursued the retreating enemy in the Advance to Victory. It fought its last battle around Ooteghem on 25 October and when the armistice came the divisions total casualties throughout the war had amounted to 32,186. Nine VCs were won.
Reference must now be made to the fine war record of the ten Battalions which served with the 36th Ulster Division. Their numbers went from the 8th Battalion to the 16th. The 36th was the sole Irish Division to have its own reserve formations, to which the Royal Irish Rifles contributed no fewer than four. These had important tasks to perform at the time of the Rebellion of Easter Week, 1916, a detachment of the 18th Battalion taking part in the capture of Liberty Hall. Training was in full swing by the end of September 1914. But it was not until July 1915 that the Division moved to Seaford in Sussex. Shortly afterwards it was inspected by Lord Kitchener but was not sent overseas until it had completed its official musketry and machine-gun courses.
In the meantime, the Division was inspected again-this time by His Majesty King George V and finally crossed the Channel in the first week of October. But the first real test was not to come until the Battle of the Somme, the great day of the Ulster Division and still a day of great mourning throughout Ulster. The Division never really recovered from its shocking casualties. In the meantime, the 13th Royal Irish Rifles were destined to take the first German prisoners captured by the 36th Division. That was on July 26th. Originally, the major attack was to have taken place on June 30th. The bad weather, however, caused a postponement until July 1st.
The two days' postponement had an unexpected effect on the men. The extra strain of waiting was more than counterbalanced by the coincidence of the date. For it was upon July the 1st, the anniversary of Boyne, that the sons of the victors in that battle, after eight generations, fought this greater fight.
To them it had a very special significance. A stirring in their blood bore witness to the call of their ancestors. There seemed to them a predestination in the affair. They spoke of it as they waited, during the final intensive bombardment, while the German counter-barrage rained upon their trenches.
Zero came, and the hurricane Stokes bombardment ceased. The artillery lifted off the first line. The whistles of the officers sounded, and the men sprang up and advanced at steady marching pace on the German trenches. Those who saw those leading Battalions move to the assault. above all their commanding officers, who, forbidden to accompany them, waved to them from the parapet, received one of the most powerful and enduring impressions of their lives.
On the left the 12th Rifles were unlucky. The wire round the German salient over the hill-brow, less easy to observe, was not so completely destroyed as on the rest of the front. Many gaps were cut, but machine-guns were trained upon them. Beaten back at the first rush, and having lost the barrage, the remnants of the Battalion were twice re-formed by devoted officers under that withering hail, and twice again led forward. It was of no avail. On their left the leading troops of the next Division crossed the front line trenches, but were attacked from the rear by machine-gunners emerging from dugouts. At eight o'clock the 36th Division was informed that the enemy had re-taken his front line. The attack north of the Ancre was a failure, though it was just as gallant as that of the Battalions on the left bank.
Elsewhere, for all its; losses, the attack was a complete success. Every objective was reached. Had it been possible to attain the same results all along the front, the day would have ended with the greatest British victory of the war.
The leading waves, still moving as if on parade, reached the German front line trench and went straight across it. They did not suffer heavily. Hardly were they across, however, when the German barrage fell upon "No Man's Land," upon the rear companies of the first line Battalions, and upon those of the second line. And immediately the barrage left it, flanking machine-gun fire burst out from the dominating position of Thiepval cemetery. The 11th Inniskillings and 14th Rifles, as they emerged from the wood, were simply mown down, and "No Man's Land" became a ghastly spectacle of dead and wounded. On the left of the line the 13th Rifles, under long-range fire from the Beaucourt Redoubt across the river, suffered most heavily of all. They had lost the bulk of their
officers before they even reached the German trenches. The Division on the right was never able to clear Thiepval village, and it was that fact which was responsible for the gravest losses of the 36th.
Under this deadly punishment the men never hesitated. They went straight forward across the first two lines, sending back the few prisoners they took. The "B" line was to be reached at 7.48. Despite the gaps in their ranks the first wave swept upon it at precisely that moment. There was not much fighting here, but a large number of prisoners was taken, the German infantry surrendering as our men came upon them. The 15th Rifles, the supporting battalion of the 108th Brigade's attack, had, however, to deal with some Germans who came up out of unnoticed dug-outs after the leading battalions had crossed the "A" lines; the bombing squads told off to clear the trenches having been destroyed by machine-gun fire. On pressed the leading waves. Never losing the barrage, they took the "C" line, including the north-east corner of the Schwaben Redoubt, at 8.38. Even in the trenches they suffered loss from the flanking machine-guns, while movement from front to rear was now almost impossible. The supporting battalions, or their survivors, were also upon their objectives. Every man had done what he was set to do, or dropped in his path. And, to the eternal credit of the artillery, no man appears to have needed his wire-cutters.
The 107th Brigade had meanwhile advanced to the "A" line. It had moved from Aveluy Wood and across the Ancre to the western skirts of Thiepval Wood, nearly at the bottom of the valley, assembling at 6.30 about the track known as Speyside. It had an hour to wait, shell after shell passing just over the heads of the troops and bursting in the marshes beyond them. At Zero, led by the 10th Rifles, it moved back cast for a short distance, to reach the rides which were its paths to the front line. Here the men could see the troops of the Division on the right issuing from their trenches, and each platoon, as it extended in "No Man's Land," disappearing before the blast of machine-gun fire that met it. The ride used by the 10th Rifles on the right had been denuded of its foliage by the bombardments of several days, and was in view. The Battalion came under machine-gun fire from front, right, and right rear simultaneously. The commanding officer, Colonel Bernard, was killed, and casualties were high.
The final passage had to be carried out by rushes to the front line. The leading men could even see the German machine-guns firing at them, so that it is easy to imagine what sort of target they offered to those guns. Lewis guns were brought forward to engage
them, but their teams were destroyed. The other battalions suffered considerably less, being screened in their rides and further from the Thiepval guns. Before ten o'clock, runners, with the skill and devotion of their kind, had come back to report that the "C" line had been reached.
To General Nugent it had long appeared probable that his troops, if they went forward further as a wedge into the enemy's defensive system, with not a yard gained on either flank, would go only to their own destruction. At 8.32 his G.S.O.1., Colonel Place, had asked the X Corps whether the 107th Brigade might be stopped from advancing upon the last line. The reply was that a new attack was being made on Thiepval, and also by the VIII Corps north of the Ancre, and that the 107th Brigade must do its part by continuing its advance. But three-quarters of an hour later, at 9.26 a.m., instructions from the Corps to withhold the 107th Brigade till the situation upon the flanks had been cleared up were received. General Withycombe was ordered to stop his troops, and employed every means in his power to do so. But all the telephone lines taken forward had been cut by German fire, and for a runner to reach the line now held by the troops took a very long time. The message arrived too late; the troops were committed to the attack. With them there went forward some men of the other Brigades.
Of that last wild and desperate venture across a thousand yards of open country, few returned to tell the tale. Those that did tell of an entry into that last entrenchment, of desperate hand-to-hand fighting, and then, when the odds were too great, for the trench was full of German reserves, of a stubborn retirement to the next line.
And now the German bombers surged up the trenches from St. Pierre Divion, to be beaten off again and again by the 8th and 15th Rifles, and the handful of the 13th remaining on that flank. Pressure on the other side did not come so soon, in fact, Lieutenant Sanderson, of the 9th Rifles, reconnoitring the trench " Mouquet Switch," on the front of the 32nd Division, found it unoccupied. But Thiepval's machine-guns were still firing, and "No Man's Land" was a scene of desolation. Two companies of the Pioneers were sent up to dig a communication trench across, which would have permitted the sending up of bombs and water. But at two o'clock Colonel Leader, their commanding officer, reported that the machine-gun fire rendered the task impossible. Supplies had run out, and the little parties that strove to bear them across were annihilated by fire. After noon came attacks upon the right flank also; the 11th Inniskillings at the Crucifix, and the 9th.R.I.R. THE WEST BELFAST VOLUNTEERS in the Schwaben Redoubt, being hard set.
At seven a.m., next morning, as sun dispersed the first summer ground-mist, observers on the Mesnil Ridge saw that there were still British troops in small numbers in the first two lines of German, trenches. General Nugent ordered General Withycombe to support and reinforce these troops, and to send forward supplies of bombs, ammunition, and water. General Withycombe collected a force of four hundred men of the four battalions of his own Brigade, together with two guns of the 107th Machine-Gun Company. Under the command of Major Woods, of the 9th Rifles, this devoted band moved across "No Man's Land" at two o'clock in artillery formation. It lost a third of its numbers from the enemy's fire, but it reached its objectives. Two small parties of the 16th Rifles (Pioneers), with bombs and ammunition, crossed later in the afternoon, going through the German barrage in most gallant fashion.
That night the 36th Division was relieved by the 49th. The 148th Brigade relieved the 107th in the two lines of trenches now held, between A.12 and A.19. The relief was not complete till after ten o'clock the following morning, when a weary, tattered, pitiful remnant marched into Martinsart and flung themselves down to sleep. They had brought back to Thiepval Wood fourteen prisoners. The total number captured by the 36th Division in the offensive was five hundred and forty-three. Its casualties in the two days amounted to five thousand, five hundred officers and other ranks killed, wounded, and missing.
The whole Province was thrown into mourning for its sons. Among the dead were Colonel H. C. Bernard, of the 10th Rifles; and Major G. H. Gaffiken, of the 9th, who had led his company to the final objective.
The figures of the 8th Rifles, a battalion below rather than above the average in casualties, were: Officers: fifteen wounded, five missing. Other Ranks: twenty-four killed, two hundred and sixteen wounded, one hundred and eighty-six missing. And of the "missing," it must be recorded that three-fourths at least were in reality dead, somewhere out in front of the line. Of the deeds of courage performed that day, it is not possible to enumerate one-hundredth.
Lieutenant Sir Harry MacNaghten, 12th Rifles, twice re-formed the tatters of his company in " No Man's Land," and led them against gaps in the German wire, to fall himself on the second occasion.
A very remarkable Victoria Cross was that won by Rifleman Quigg 12th Rifles, Sir Harry MacNaghten's servant. He had, on July 1st, advanced thrice to the attack. Next morning he heard a tumour that his officer was out wounded in "No Man's Land." Seven times he
went out to look for him, and seven times he brought in a wounded man, the last dragged on a water-proof sheet from within a few yards of the German wire.
On July 5th, the Division moved back to Rubempre and the neighbouring villages, and five days later to the Bernaville area. Within a fortnight the Division was moved up and it was destined to remain, until 1917, in the neighbourhood of Plug Street Wood and Bailleul.
June 1917 saw the Battle of Messines-the first completely successful single operation on the British front since the outbreak of war. Once again the Royal Irish Rifles fought with great credit. Then came the Battle of Ypres, followed by Cambrai. Further heavy casualties were inflicted on the Regiment and the weather was growing worse. More fighting occurred round Bourlon and after the German counter-attack the Division was ordered to withdraw.
The 36th Division, which had already received the 2nd Battalion Royal Irish Rifles, was now joined by the 1st Battalion. Other regular battalions from other Irish regiments also reinforced the Division, with the result that the 8th/9th, 10th, and 11th/13th Rifles had to disappear. The 12th and 15th, however, remained, later forming the 107th Infantry Brigade with the two regular battalions of the regiment. The achievement of these troops of the 36th Division, almost broken by fatigue, in many cases without food, deserves the greatest praise during the retreat in March 1918.
The Division was not destined to take part in the early counter-offensive which showed the world that the tide had turned at last, and it was not until the last days of August 1918 that they attacked again. The advance to final victory began on September 28th and continued to October 17th, 1918. Thereafter, the Division went from strength to strength.
Wrote Lieutenant-General C. N. Jacob, commanding II Corps to Major-General C. Coffin, V.C., D.S.O., commanding 36th Division:-
" The spirit, dash and initiative shewn by all ranks have been splendid and beyond all praise. When the history is written of what the Division has done in Flanders during the past month, it win prove to be a record of magnificent fighting and wonderful progress .... Over the worst of country, and under the heaviest machine-gun fire ever experienced in this war .... The 36th Division has overcome every obstacle, and has proved itself one of the best fighting Divisions in the Army .... "
The order of battle shows that 107th Infantry Brigade had no fewer than six commanders during the four years of war. They were:
Brigadier-General Couchman, C.B. Till 20th October, 1915.
Brigadier-General W. M. Withycombe, C.M.G., D.S.O. Till 7th March, 1917.
Brigadier-General F. J. M. Rowley, D.S.O. Till 2nd June 1917.
Brigadier-General W. M. Withycombe, C.M.G., D.S.O. Till 30thApril, 1918.
Brigadier-General E. I. de S. Thorpe, C.M.G., D.S.O. Till 13th September 1918.
Brigadier-General H. J. Brock, C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O.
The troops, apart from the temporary inclusion for eight months of the 1st Battalion Royal Irish Fusiliers, were all men of the Royal Irish Rifles, thus:-
