Survival of the Species
Chapter Twenty-Seven
There was one major tactic left open to the globalists: to organise a general strike, and to try to bring the new government down by simultaneous social unrest.
This tactic was not unexpected; indeed, the new government had been preparing itself to act against such a move. Because there were many trade union Nationalists, including some in high positions, the preparations for the general strike were not easy for the globalists to keep a secret. As soon as the Nationalists got wind of the planned general strike they acted immediately. All of the banking and other financial accounts of the communist-led unions, and any other participating unions, were frozen immediately. All of the ringleaders of the planned general strike were arrested, as were their potential substitutes. All other trade union organisers were threatened with jail, and seizure of their personal assets, if they assisted in mounting a general strike (again, the Nationalists copied the tactics that the Establishment had used against them via "anti-racism" laws).
The few communist and socialist "movers and shakers" that were left (being those who were previously publicly unknown) within the trade unions attempted to get the general strike going by themselves. But they were pushing butter up a hill with a hot knife - they had no chance. Most workers hadn't heard of the plans for a general strike; but they had seen the Government's pronouncements on TV warning against communist-inspired civil unrest, which warned that the full weight of martial law would come down upon those who furthered the aims of the Communist Revolution by participating in any such unrest, disturbance, or terrorism.
The remaining communist-socialist-globalist activists decided to press on regardless; they set a date for the announcement of the general strike, and publicised it amongst the trade unions as best they could, encouraging people not only to strike, but to also attend the rallies to be held outside every state parliament on the day of the strike's commencement.
The ordinary trade union members were wary enough of a general strike as it was (especially one run by communists and socialists), but the Nationalist government compounded their fears. The Defence Minister was given time on every TV news show, to inform the public that intelligence sources had exposed that the Communists were planning a series of violent rallies, as a prelude to an attempt to gain control of power in Australia (no date was given for the rallies, thereby avoiding giving aid to the rally organisers). He further warned that no Communist Revolution, or any prelude to such revolution, would be tolerated; and that, to protect the general community, extreme measures would be taken to extinguish any such rebellion. The Defence Minister's speech was followed by TV footage of the military and CMF training in the use of bayonets and machine guns "in preparation against communist terrorism". The message was clear enough.
Unfortunately for the communists and internationalists, they had poured their heart and soul into the preparation of the general strike - "as a nationwide protest against nationalism and racism" - and would lose face if it didn't go ahead. They were in a quandary; they stood to lose what little support they had if they didn't do something, and they had been promising the general strike as a big showdown with the Nationalist government.
In the end, the majority of the general strike advocates decided to go ahead with their plans - they would show the Nationalists some "real" opposition.
* * * * * * *
On the day of the commencement of the general strike, demonstrations had been arranged in the capital city of each state.
The Nationalist government used a variety of tricks that it had learnt from anti-Nationalist operations carried out by various governments in the past: many trains were cancelled; buses of activists were either stopped and turned around, or were escorted to locations miles away; police and CMF personnel detained likely-looking types near the city centre; all known troublemakers were picked up the night before; and all known organisers (who hadn't yet been located) found that their mobile phones had been cut off that morning, so that they couldn't organise their cohorts.
All in all, the much-vaunted general strike had been turned into something of a shambles. Very few shops or services closed due to people being on strike (those that did were duly noted by the CMF for later investigation); the general public were hardly inconvenienced by it (in fact, few knew about it, due to the government-installed media blackout of any news of the strike).
Even in the biggest city, Sydney, the general strike had failed to materialise; except in some "leftist" areas like Glebe and Blacktown - and all that did was to deprive the unwashed "leftist" hordes of essential items, like food (and also deprived them of non-essential items, like soap). The few that did make it into the heart of Sydney for the demo were quickly dispersed by water cannons, Alsatian attack-dogs, and by baton-wielding CMF personnel. Some globalists were shot, but most had quickly run away when they realised just how few of them there were (most radical "leftists" only enjoy being "brave" when gathered in large groups).
In most of the other cities, the attendance at mass demonstrations hardly materialised, following actions by the police and CMF.
However, it was in Melbourne that there was trouble. Although it was only the second biggest city in Australia, Melbourne had a long history of being the "leftist" capital of the country; indeed, when the moratorium marches were held in the 1970s to protest against the Vietnam War, the number at Melbourne's demonstration was about as much as those at all the other state capitals' marches combined.
The Melbourne liberal-internationalists were much more organised than those in the other states. The police and CMF had carried out the usual cancellations of trains and diverting of buses, but many globalists still got through - many walking into city (especially those from the "leftist"-dominated inner city suburbs, and those who had driven in close to the central business district).
As the state parliament rallying point for the mass demonstration was well covered by police and CMF personnel, the globalists gathered at the other end of the city, until there was about fourteen thousand of them - although such a number wasn't a lot for a normal Melbourne demonstration, in the prevailing circumstances it was more than the Nationalist government thought would turn up.
Having found their courage through strength of numbers, the globalists began to march on the state Parliament House. It was an odd assortment of internationalist scum: there were the usual communists, socialists, and other "leftist" dregs; marching alongside groups of homosexuals, lesbians, and assorted perverts; of course, there were some groups which straddled both camps (no pun intended), such as the International Socialists (affectionately known to their "friends" as the International Sodomites) and the Democratic Workers' Party (also laughingly referred to as the Democratic Wankers' Party) - both of which were riddled with homosexual Marxists. If the founders of Marxism, and the early Australian socialists, could have seen the degenerate filth that were nowadays parading under the banners of socialism and communism, they would have been turning in their graves.
As well as the various weirdos, there was a large collection of people from the old Establishment parties (Liberals, Laborites, Democrats, and even some from the National Party); in fact, it was these people of the Traitor Class who were leading the march, using the communists and socialists as their flanking guards. This was indicative of the relationship between the "leftists" and the liberal-democratic Establishment: they were both tied inseparably together by their shared goals of internationalism and anti-racism. Much in the same way that the extreme right was manipulated in the 1960s and 1970s (by the then conservative Establishment) to fight against communists in the streets, for years now the extreme "left" had been manipulated and funded to fight against the Nationalists (because of this the Nationalists often derided the communists as "the boot boys of capitalism"). Well, these globalist scumbags deserved each other.
The march of the fourteen thousand wound its way through the Melbourne streets, heading for the state Parliament House. The police and CMF personnel retreated from any confrontation with the human river, as if they were running scared of the globalist mob; but, in fact, they were retreating under orders - the Nationalists in command were letting the march through to its rallying point.
Out of sight of the march, the parallel streets were being blocked off by the CMF, as were all of the streets surrounding the Parliament House. As soon as the size of the demonstration had been realised (even prior to the march commencing), the CMF had ordered the evacuation of all buildings for a radius of three blocks around Parliament House; utilising car-borne megaphones to spread the word, using the spectre of a communist rebellion, and telling people to clear the streets and go home. The police were used to clear the area of civilians, whilst the CMF sealed off the streets around the rallying point, leaving only the Western approach open - where the march was to come through, after which the CMF would close that gap behind them. The police were not to be involved in the final confrontation with the marchers, as they didn't have the ideological commitment and revolutionary determination to carry out this operation to its necessary end.
The marchers finally made their way up Bourke Street, to near the front of Parliament House. They were blocked from reaching the building itself by the long rows of barricades, behind which stood several ranks of armed CMF personnel, whilst the entrances to the side streets had also been blockaded.
It was apparent that the globalists had no idea of what was about to occur, or else they believed that no real harm would come to them - perhaps believing in safety in numbers, that the CMF wouldn't dare to do anything to a crowd of such size. However, these internationalist race-destroyers had no idea of the hatred and contempt that most Nationalists held for those who were instrumental in building up the internationalist, multiculturalist, multiracialist regime, for those who had tried to create their "Brave New World" via race-mixing and the attempted destruction of the White Race. And now, these globalist scum were to receive the wages of their sins; on this day the unofficial motto for the CMF was introduced: "the penalty for race-mixing is death".
A radio message to the CMF units gave them the go-ahead. Quickly, from behind the barricades, machine-guns were placed on their mounts, locked and loaded. All of the CMF people at the barricades prepared themselves. In the top rooms of the strategic buildings overlooking Parliament House (from where ASIO and Special Branch had, so often in the past, photographed anyone participating in political demonstrations) more Nationalists prepared themselves, as did those positioned on the rooftops.
A signal shot was fired from the top of Parliament House.
Immediately, the machine-guns let loose, cutting down swathes of globalists. The CMF guards around the machine-guns had orders not to fire, to conserve their ammunition in case the crowd rushed the barricades - the machine-guns' positions had to be preserved at all costs; this was not a good time to be overrun by the enemy.
The noise of the machine guns, and the falling of their fellow travellers, startled and shocked the marchers momentarily; and then they began to panic, trying to run in all directions at once; the crowd first surging forward in one direction - to be met by concentrated fire and several grenades - and then would surge in another direction, trying to escape the massacre.
The CMF concentrated its fire at the edges of the crowd, working their way towards the middle, thus eliminating the closest threats to the barricades. Many of the crowd rushed for safety to the buildings lining the street; although these buildings had been locked up by the CMF, the fear-crazed globalists either used their weight of numbers to break down the weaker doors or smashed their way through the windows (the CMF just didn't have the numbers to man all the buildings in the street; and, even if they did, it would have been a tactical mistake to do so - in such small quarters, even armed men would have been quickly overpowered by a mob). The snipers on the rooftops fired at those smashing their way into the buildings, but there was just too many to stop.
* * * * * * *
Karl had been positioned on a rooftop when the signal shot from Parliament House alerted him of the order to begin firing upon the demonstrators.
As he was pretty much a crack shot, Karl was grouped with the snipers, and was utilising his skill to the utmost. When the machine-guns commenced firing, Karl watched the surprise, and then the panic, of the crowd; and then he added his own shots to the general confusion.
Unfortunately, the building that Karl was stationed upon was relatively far away from Parliament House itself; this was a pity, as he would have liked to have knocked off the Establishment types of the Traitor Class that were leading the march (that pleasure was reserved for those top-notch snipers positioned near Parliament) - not that Karl was bloodthirsty, but he felt deeply that the leaders of the Traitor Class deserved death for the agony and near-extermination that they had set upon the White Race.
As it was, Karl contented himself with picking off any socialist-communist types he saw that looked like group leaders or organisers. Following the orders laid down for the snipers, and seeing that this was not an assassination type scenario, Karl was doing body shots, instead of aiming for the head - in this situation it was quantity, not quality, that counted, as the prime concern was just to eliminate the march as a force (and that meant to reduce its active numbers).
When the crowd started to surge towards the buildings lining the street, Karl immediately began firing at those who were smashing at the doors and windows - if the crowd at the back could see those at the forefront being shot, then maybe they would turn and run; but there were just too many clamouring to get into the buildings, their fear was too great, and those who tried to fall back found that they couldn't anyhow, as the force of the panicked crowd pushed them onward - those who had been shot were simply crushed underfoot by the mob that surged forward seeking safety.
Once the buildings had been broken into, there was no way to stop the demonstrators flowing in. Karl contented himself with trying to impede the flow by shooting those at the entry points of the various buildings, thus clogging up the entrances with piles of dead and dying bodies.
Karl found the work of a sniper to be very impersonal; it was almost like shooting at tin cans, except that these targets were moving. It certainly didn't feel like he was ending human lives, and thank heaven for that; most of the hits he had carried out so far on behalf of the Silent Brotherhood had been up close and personal - the blood and guts had sickened him, and the human agony had torn at his heart. Although he had been able to steel himself for his work, he had never gotten used to it; but he couldn't allow himself the luxury of feeling too much for his targets, he had to go on with his work, and the Revolution must succeed - he just had to remind himself that these globalists were intent on the extinction of the White Race, intent on finishing off the Australian People - it was his determination to end the evil of globalism that kept him going: to continue the Good Fight, to win victory for the Cause.
Karl had paused momentarily as he considered these thoughts. He shook his head to clear his mind, positioned his rifle up to his shoulder, and began firing again.
* * * * * * *
Those internationalists who had made their way into the nearby offices and shops, tried to make their way to the parallel streets, which in many cases necessitated smashing through shop walls to get through to those places facing the other streets. But those who made it into the parallel streets immediately found themselves in the field of fire of those CMF units who had blocked off the surrounding streets for that exact purpose, of halting the escape of any marchers. The globalists quickly retreated back inside the buildings, and barricaded themselves in.
In Bourke Street, the carnage continued. Those who didn't make it into any of the buildings were mown down by machine-gun fire, which was still raking the area, or were shot by sniper fire from the rooftops. After a while the firing ceased, and the CMF officer in command ordered the CMF troops to do a sweep of all the bodies in the street, to ensure that all were dead.
Bourke Street was a hideous sight, bodies lay everywhere, blood covered much of the road, and the screams and moans of the wounded and dying were heard everywhere. The CMF units worked their way methodically through the street, starting at one end, dragging the dead into piles of corpses, to be collected by pick-up trucks; all bodies were checked for signs of life, any still living were finished off and added to the corpse piles - the CMF were taking no prisoners today; these globalist traitors did not deserve to live, they would have only created trouble later on if they were given any mercy, and were not worth clogging up the hospital system.
Identification papers were taken off all the bodies: one thing that many Nationalists believed was that there was a genetic disposition towards race-mixing and anti-white treachery; and therefore all IDs would be kept on file, so as to enable Nationalists to keep an eye out for the future activities of the marchers' families.
One could only imagine the looks of horror that were on the faces of the assorted globalist scum as they looked out from the windows of their barricaded buildings. Right in front of their eyes their wounded fellow-travellers were being shot and unceremoniously dumped onto the piles of dead, and there was nothing they could do about it.
Thank god for the anti-gun laws that the Establishment had brought in - if most of the fourteen thousand marchers had been armed, it would have been doubtful if the few hundred CMF personnel present could have stopped them.
Even as the clean-up continued, units were being marshalled for an assault upon the buildings; with many CMF units being further supplied with pistols for fighting at close quarters. A substantial part of the CMF assault units were made up of skinheads - this kind of work was just the thing for them; they excelled when it came to violence, and were perfect for the close quarters fighting that was unavoidable in the confined spaces of the Bourke Street shops and offices. When the skinheads went in, there would be no quarter asked, nor given.
The first buildings assaulted were those with the CMF snipers on the rooftops. Even though the snipers had been placed in groups, and issued with sub-machine-guns for defensive purposes, there was still a danger of them being rushed by any mob of internationalists that had made their way to the top of a building.
The skins smashed their way into each building, and broke down any hastily erected barricades. They fought their way through the rooms, shooting all who came into their sights, and often fought hand-to-hand with the mobs that rushed them. Very few globalists surrendered, after having seen the goings-on in the street outside, but some did - obviously resigning themselves to the inevitable fate that lay before them.
It took quite a few hours to clear the buildings, but it was finally done. The clean-up in the street was also completed, the trucks having taken all of the bodies away for burial (they were dumped and buried in an isolated closed-down tip, where even their memory would be forgotten), and the blood and muck was washed off the roadway and footpaths by street-cleaning trucks.
It was almost certain that some internationalists had survived the Bourke Street Massacre, considering the variety of possible hiding places available in the various shops and offices. The survivors' tales of horror would only add to the globalists' newly-gained realisation that you don't mess with the Nationalists.
* * * * * * *
It was at the debriefing of the participating CMF personnel that Karl met Barbara again. It was immediately obvious from her greeting, the look in her eyes, and her manner, that she felt deeply for him. Karl felt the same feelings rise to the fore in the instant that he greeted her, somewhat surprising himself, as he hadn't realised the depth of his feelings for Barbara; indeed, he had mostly pushed her out of his mind prior to this. It was almost like the cliche of "their eyes met across a crowded room". They both realised that they wanted to see each other again, and arranged to meet immediately after the debriefings were completed.
Following the finish of the debriefings, Karl and Barbara went for a drink together, and Karl found himself longing for her, not in a sexual way - although that was a natural part of his attraction to her - but in some indescribable way that he would hesitate to describe as spiritual, but that felt as if their souls were meant to be intertwined. Previously, if anyone had described such feelings, it would have sounded "mushy" to him; but he couldn't deny the emotions that he was experiencing. Afterwards, they drove to Karl's place, enjoyed some dinner, and spent the rest of the night together.
It was strange how their lives had been brought together by the Revolution, that their paths had so far only crossed in times of violence. From the ocean of necessary destruction that was the Revolution, had come a wave of peacefulness and soul-fulfilment. Strangely enough, it is the way of the world that good things often arise from bad situations.
Previous Chapter - - - Next Chapter
Contents