Survival of the Species
Chapter Twenty-Six
It took a while for the various communist, socialist, and assorted internationalist groups to work out exactly what was going on. Obviously, as far as the communists knew, there was no Communist Revolution happening - if there had been, they would have wanted to join in. The internationalists' first inkling came when they realised that not only was the new Prime Minister a Nationalist, but that the only other Cabinet members ever mentioned in the media were also Nationalists.
These globalist groups began them spreading the word that the Canberra bombing was the work of the Nationalist Revolution, that there was no Communist Revolution, and that the Nationalists had taken power. However, their efforts were being nipped in the bud. Their access to the media and friendly journalists had totally dried up; so, they were limited to "taking it to the streets". The socialist paper sellers were simply arrested by the police, who were acting under orders to forestall anyone creating public unrest (under Martial Law it had been made clear to the police that "leftist" trouble-makers were not to be tolerated); although often the paper sellers were arrested by the CMF (who had been given police powers - in fact, under Martial Law, they had more powers than the police themselves). Communist postering teams suffered a similar fate whenever they were caught putting up their posters; indeed, some communists were shot whilst attempting to flee from being arrested - under martial law, the CMF could take whatever measures they deemed fit. Anybody caught letterboxing globalist leaflets was also arrested. As well as all this, all "leftist" Internet accounts were terminated, and all of their known email addresses were closed as well - the potential of the Internet as an organising tool was not underestimated by the Movement (indeed, the Internet was difficult to control in full, without closing it down completely); all globalists who ran Internet home pages were arrested as well. The Movement knew a globalist attempt to overthrow the Nationalist government would take place - and they were taking steps to slow their enemies' organising abilities and lessen their impact.
The fate of those internationalists who had been arrested was unknown to their organisations. The police handed any "leftists" they caught over to the CMF; and the CMF had no interest in telling "leftists" about their arrested friends. The CMF utilised the fear of the unknown by refusing to comment on arrests, indeed, they wouldn't even confirm if they had arrested someone; all they did was to take the name and address of the enquirer, and promised to contact them at an appropriate time (this promise was kept; later on, all such enquirers - mostly "leftist" activists or sympathisers - were "contacted" by the CMF during a massive round-up of anti-Australian traitors).
The globalists soon realised that the rules of the game had changed. Not only could they not express their viewpoint in public, as it had been deemed dangerous to the public good (these anti-globalist laws were based upon the anti-racist laws), but they were also subject to harassment by the police and the CMF. The irony was lost on them that, for years, they had promoted the idea that Racial Nationalists should not be allowed freedom of speech (globalists had argued that opposing immigration, multiculturalism, and Asianisation was "sowing community discord" or "inciting racial hatred"; and that therefore "racists" should be denied freedom of speech as well as many other civil rights).
Also, the globalists had been accustomed to preferential treatment from the cops, with regard to their anti-Nationalist activities; indeed, in the past, during the many rallies and demonstrations held outside Nationalist buildings and meetings, the police had been under orders "from the top" (the police higher echelon passed on these orders from the leadership of the state governments) to be "non-confrontational" with the "leftists", in effect, giving those anti-Australian scum an easy ride; but on the other hand, the police were told to crack down hard on Nationalists - even those defending themselves, their buildings, or their meetings against communist-globalist attacks. If any Nationalist buildings or meetings were under attack by a "rent-a-crowd" mob of "leftist" multiculturalists, Nationalists were prevented by police from putting up placards, or even standing up to defend themselves, upon police threats to arrest them for "inciting public disorder"; these police threats would be made, even whilst the scum globalist mob were throwing stones and bottles at Nationalists - and, of course, no one in the rock-throwing mob would be arrested, which made them only bolder.
The public was totally unaware of the vastly preferential treatment given to anti-Nationalists; but Nationalists came to expect it, as just another sign of the hidden anti-democratic nature of the Australian political system.
The normal police on the street (as distinct from the political police or the police hierarchy), now that they found their hands were no longer tied, took great delight in "dishing it out" to the multiculturalist low-lifes; as, for years, at anti-Nationalist demonstrations, they had to suffer abuse and assault from these globalist scum without being able to retaliate against them, that many police had come to hate the "leftist" multiculturalists - and now that hate was to be expressed with a vengeance. The multiculturalist-socialist-communist dregs were no longer going to be handled with kid gloves by the police, their "free ride" was over; now that the shoe was on the other foot, it was time for these globalist scum to feel the full wrath of the National State.
* * * * * * *
It was necessary for the Movement to keep Martial Law in place for some time, to enable them to fully establish the Nationalists' control of Australia. Unlike the Communists or Fascists, the Australian Nationalists were essentially a pro-democracy movement, and so wanted to live in a democratic society, albeit one that was more democratic and freedom-loving than the old multiracialist regime. To the Nationalists, democracy was part of the Australian way of life, and part of the greater European ethos of the individual's search for freedom and control over personal destiny, dating back to the small ancient democracies in Iceland, Greece, Manx, and Switzerland.
Although the media often slandered the Movement as being anti-democratic or Nazis, this was never the case. The prime motivating factor for the Movement was the re-establishment of the White Australia Policy, and the survival of the White Race. White Australia was created well before the Nazis ever existed, and owed nothing to the Nazis for its creation; indeed, White Australia had fought Nazi Germany, not only to support the "Mother Country" (Britain), but also to fight totalitarianism. Although many globalists deliberately and dishonestly propagandised to the contrary, the principles of White Australia and of the modern Australian Nationalists had nothing to do with Nazism. Australian nationalism, as embodied in the early days of Federation, stood for tariff protection, industrial arbitration, and - most important of all - for a White Australia.
Some people pointed to Nazi Germany as a model of efficiency but - in reality - Hitler's leadership style was erratic, and created many internal power struggles as well as many overlapping or conflicting bureaucracies (Inside the Third Reich by Albert Speer - Hitler's Armaments Minister - gives an interesting insight into Nazi Germany's inner workings).
Nazism held an interest for some people on the periphery of the Movement - a few hangers-on and several old-style skinheads. Such people were referred to by the Nationalists as "Hollywood Nazis" (or "Nutzis"); mostly, they were attracted to the Nazi uniforms, symbolism, and paraphernalia (or to the "power trip" of allying themselves to the memory of a once very militarised nation). A few "real" Nazis existed, but these were few and far between.
The Australian Nationalists were not interested in pursuing the Nazi ideology. The imperialism of the Nazis (for example, their aim of annexing "lebensraum" - or living room - in Russia) and their totalitarian nature (such as was embodied in the anti-democratic "Fuehrerprinzip" - or leadership principle) was not the Australian way.
The Australian national identity was inseparably entwined with the concept of democracy. Aussies liked to have a say in the running of their own lives and the direction of their community, and enjoyed their freedom of speech; and had no interest in being bossed around by some little upstart dressed up in a uniform. It was bad enough that the liberal-internationalists had been limiting their freedom of speech with "political correctness" and so-called racial vilification laws. The Australian fair-dinkums had largely lost their effective democratic voice after the entrenchment within the Establishment of the Traitor Class from the 1960s and 1970s. Many other freedoms had been continuously eroded away, bit by bit, by the "thin edge of the wedge" method, for years. Australia had become what many British Nationalists referred to as a "Nanny State", where the government - or its departments or agencies - interfered in too many aspects of the lives of the population; it seemed that there was a law for just about everything, a register for everything, you had to get a licence or written permission to do almost anything. In the Nanny State, long-held rights (that had always been taken for granted) gradually became "privileges" - the difference being that privileges could be limited or taken away altogether by the government. In many ways, the multiculturalists' Nanny State seemed more of a police state than did Nazi Germany or Soviet Russia.
* * * * * * *
Nonetheless, Martial Law was to be kept in place for a little while yet, until the Movement was assured that Australia was out of danger from the internal liberal-internationalist threat.
Previous Chapter - - - Next Chapter
Contents