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MEMORIES - MAIN

               FROM SEYMOUR TO SHLOMO

 A PIONEER FROM THE BRONX REMEMBERS    

                      Shlomo Sokol, Mobile Post, Upper Galilee 2,
                      12325 Kibbutz Gadot, Israel
                       telephone (972) 4 6939 177    Spring 2006

From Seymour to Shlomo (1)

Late in 1948, I was suddenly shocked when my dear brother Saul passed away in February. I had no idea that he was so sick with *leukemia. It was the second time that I had to trudge through the snow to reach the funeral parlor of Garlick* in Brooklyn (or Queens). In 1944, my mother Fannie had suffered a stroke.

We had taken the trolley car along Southern Boulevard to Westchester Avenue to buy me a pair of large size shoes. I was 18 and on furlough from the induction center at Fort *Dix. She had been suffering from high blood pressure and had been warned by doctors to take it easy in her housework.

But my mother kept right on doing the usual housework. Perhaps it was out of necessity, because we had no money for household help and there was no Medicare at that time. Perhaps she was not aware of the danger because she had never really opened up to the American scene.

Suddenly I saw half her body paralyzed* and quivering*. I was scared to death. We called an ambulance* or a taxi and took her to Lincoln* Hospital. I paced the corridors and begged the divine powers to save her. I promised to be a good boy from now on and even to believe in Jesus or Buddha or Allah, whichever came first. But she was apparently dead on arrival and the doctors could do nothing for her. Slowly but surely, I had become etached from my parents and did not know their condition.

From Seymour to Shlomo (2)

I had graduated from the Bronx High School of Science* with honors in June of 1943. From sheer inertia, I obeyed my father's wishes and enrolled for the pre-dental* course at the downtown campus of CCNY* (then the College of the City of New York). My heart was not in it.

I can only remember a few pleasant meetings with the representatives of some Jewish fraternity* who rushed me. That is, they sat me down and acted real friendly. I was flattered but did not join, perhaps because I simply could not pay the annual membership* fee, but was too embarrassed to admit it.

I also remember a Dr. Schechter* at CCNY, an amiable professor in a white gown and a smelly pipe. He introduced me to the anatomy of a frog and I almost fainted from the dissection. I recall how proud I was to join the ROTC* (Reserve Officers Training Corps), put on a uniform , feel grown up and taking part in the action. I was proud to be in the ROTC, even though all we did was to march, drill, and listen to a lot of lectures.

I felt the need to be proud because many people disliked the Jews. I felt inferior, especially because of my facial features, which were definitely not of the North European type. I once discussed my feelings of inferiority with a neighborhood Protestant Episcopal minister who had befriended me when I had been in Troop 122* of the Boy Scouts.

From Seymour to Shlomo (3)

Our troop met in the basement of the local Protestant Church and Mr Richardson was our  scoutmaster, assisted by a Mr. Young, who turned out to be a Roman Catholic. This later caused a problem. I was very happy to be a Scout but it only lasted about one year.

That was a pity because it was a missed opportunity. The Scouts were like a window out to the wide world. While tying my fingers into sailors' knots*, I began to day-dream about earning all those prestigious scout badges.  

I remember that we had some outings into nature, maybe into the wooded area of Van Courtlandt Park. To this very day, I get a warm feeling whenever I smell the smoke of a campfire of fresh branches. But there were some incidental expenses for uniforms and travel and they were a burden on my family.

My parents frowned on any outside work or extra-curricular activity,  claiming that it would interfere with my studies. But they did allow me to bring coffee after school from Zlotnik's* Bakery on Southern Boulevard to Mr. Zacharias* the barber, for a tip of ten cents. 

I also delivered papers for a few months for a local candy store. I used to stand in a parking lot out in the freezing cold*, waiting for the distribution truck to arrive. Then I would carry the papers to the store. One day I entered the cabin of a parked truck to get out of the cold. Some bullies came over to me and just kicked me out.

From Seymour to Shlomo (4)

At sixteen or so, without asking my parents, I got a job stacking returned books at a public library in another neighbor-hood. The work itself was quite dull but two things helped to liven it up. First, I got a chance to have a peek at books other than text-books*, and that was a welcome change. Until then,  textbooks*, notebooks* and learning had been my whole life.

Second, I had some long talks with the Irish janitor* during our breaks. He was a prime example of a dogmatic Roman Catholic. He tried to be polite by admitting that all religions have the right to exist and build houses of prayer. But he is certain that Catholicism* is the only true religion. I am reminded of this whenever I hear that Marxist dialectical materialism is the only true social philosophy or that Orthodoxy* is the only true form of Jewish worship.

Well, I began to wonder whether my time spent at work was worth the effort. One day I left the job and walked out after very short notice, which was not fair to the librarians, I admit. I must have been in a panic from my parents' pestering me to stay home.

When I quit, they breathed a sigh of relief to see me back at my writing table in the bedroom that I shared with my brother Saul. So it was back to looking at the brick walls and barred windows at the back of the adjacent tenement buildings. Back to day-dreaming about blue skies, green fields and chirping birds.

From Seymour to Shlomo (5)

To finish the story about the Scouts, the immediate reason for my departure was a dispute in our troop. For some reason, our scout-master, Mr. Richardson*, had to transfer to another troop. His assistant, Mr. Young, was the natural candidate to replace him. One day, Young came over to my house to ask for my support. He claimed that the Protestant hosts of our troop refused to approve his promotion to scoutmaster because he is a Catholic.

I did not know him too well but I was very sympathetic to Young, who was younger than Richardson and much more open. But I could not figure out the animosity* between the Christian churches. I joined the protesters but it was my introduction to the world of historical conflicts and I became soured* on the Scouts.

After one semester at CCNY, I had enough of biology and enlisted in the Army Specialized Training Program (ASTP*). I explained it to my parents as a chance to get some free schooling in electrical engineering at Rutgers University in New Brunswick*, New Jersey.

I would have a uniform, free tuition, room and board, plus social activities. I spent about nine months at Rutgers until I got my call-up notice from my draft board in October of 1944.

The ASTP soldiers in the group before us got caught up in the Battle of the Bulge* in the Ardennes Forest and many of them were killed or wounded. I saw a program about it on the History Channel of television in 2005.

From Seymour to Shlomo (6)

The Germans already knew that the war in the East was lost. At about Christmas time in 1944, the gathered all their remaining resources for a big offensive against the American lines on the French border. Our soldiers had been rushed through very shortened basic training courses. I know that our course lasted for only six weeks instead of the usual three months. It seemed that the Army was in a hurry to move us out to Europe as replacements*.

In basic training, I felt that we were not really ready to do any fighting. We once had an exercise in which we went out on patrol and were asked to react to various surprises on the way, such as a land mine, an enemy sniper*, a sudden ambush*, rough vegetation, barbed wire and so on.

At the end of the exercise, the commanding officer gathered us together around a sand-table and asked us to remove our helmets in a moment of mourning for all the men who would have been killed or wounded in the simulated patrol. Then he went over all our mistakes. The patrol was difficult for me because I was not in good physical shape after several months in college.

For example, I could not run up to a wooden wall* and jump onto it and climb over. I tried again and again and failed. This was not pleasant because all the others climbed it very easily. During one or two weekends I stayed behind in camp to practice climbing this wall. I do not remember whether I volunteered to stay in camp or whether our platoon* sergeant just would not give me a weekend pass* to go to town. In the end, I lost weight and succeeded.

From Seymour to Shlomo (7)

I have a negative trait in my character which sometimes blocks me from facing reality. I first became aware of this in elementary school when I was under stress. I loved classical music even then, especially the romantic music of Peter Tchaikovsky*.

From time to time I would surprise myself by humming tunes from his symphonies, even while climbing the staircase in going from one class to another. Perhaps I was happy or sad or frustrated at such a time, but the humming* of the music certainly gave me a good feeling.

But sometimes I knew right away when I was making a mistake, Once we got a task for homework to find out the name of the President of Mexico. By chance, we had a good encyclopedia at home and I found that the President is Lazaro Cardenas*. The next day, in the schoolyard, I mentioned this to a friend.

The news spread like wildfire and a swarm of pupils quickly surrounded me to hear the name. I felt flattered and even popular, but very soon  everyone scattered, and not because the school-bell rang. I was left with the feeling that they pupils had exploited me for their own benefit and that I probably could not count on their help in return.

From Seymour to Shlomo (8)

I held several talks with a young man named Alfred or Albert*, who called himself Al. It was in the schoolyard while  sitting on a ledge of stone next to the baseball field. He must have sensed that I was under stress and tried to converse with me. To this day, I am not sure about his full name, his intentions and whether he was a teacher, a social worker or whatever.

But he made a big impression on me, enough to prompt me to write about him in my diary. I suppose that my urge to report in writing about my activities began early in life. Instead of working ever harder to solve my problems, I would start to day-dream* and imagine running away to more pleasant places.

This happened from time to time when I felt severe pressure and emotional stress. I would look out far into the distance and see myself walking in the fields among the trees, far away from our barking sergeant, our anti-Semites and the war. Some pupils tried to solve their problems by changing their family names.

I remember a neighbor named Alfred Lembersky*. His name showed that his family came from Lvov*, formerly Lemberg* in the Austro-Hungarian Empire. He was planning to change his name to Lamb. Ethnic origins were important in those days. For example, In a biology lesson in high school, led by Zacharia* Zubarsky*, I volunteered to stand up in front of the class, next to German and French pupils, to represent the Polish people. As I looked around me, though, I saw that we were all Jews.

From Seymour to Shlomo (9)

Let me return to the last great German offensive in late 1944. They were very cunning and clever. They wore the uniforms of  American soldiers and caught our boys in surprise ambushes*. They confused our patrols by twisting* around road signs to point in the wrong direction. They captured many prisoners and I could have been one of them.

I am afraid to even think of how they would treat me when they saw that I am a Jew. I would have felt safer, if you can call it that, to be sent to fight against the Japanese. I shall never forget the war crimes of the German army, especially when they wantonly massacred one hundred and eighty American prisoners at Malmedy* in Belgium*. I saw pictures of their frozen bodies lying in the snow. In the end, the German offensive was halted by a lack of fuel and manpower.

A military camp is a mosaic* of sights and sounds*. I remember how surprised I was to see black soldiers housed in a remote corner of the camp. They were in separate units and not allowed to mingle with us. I could not comprehend this because I had lived among blacks as a child. There are also the smells.

The army served lots of coffee, especially after a night-time exercise, but it was tasteless. Every cup of cheap coffee reminds me of army coffee. The barracks were heated by local burners that used a crude oil similar to diesel fuel. The smell of the burners in the winter permeated the whole camp and left a lasting impression on my senses.

From Seymour to Shlomo (10)

I must confess that I was naïve in many ways and was under the influence of the puritanical principles of my sister Jeanne. It bothered me very much to hear all the cursing around me. Some of the curses such as Dammit* were relatively mild. But others involved the Holy Spirit and the anatomy of women. I knew one sergeant who kept a Bible in his office with many bookmarks*. He could find and quote all the passages about love, sex, phil-andering and adultery.

We had one instructor who kept telling a story in episodes about a woman who was being lowered in a peach basket* into the bosom of a soldier waiting underneath. There must have been a point to it all, because everyone around me was laughing, but I could not under-stand what the story was all about.

I must also confess that I was not very smart in my behavior at that time. I once got very friendly with the corporal of our platoon, a Southern Christian named Pugh*. By mistake, I thought that I could confide in him and asked him how he felt about all the “chicken shit” in our company. “Chicken shit” was the popular expression for the hard and sometimes harsh rules of training. He was very offended and took it personally, as if he was the one responsible for all `the running around and tough training regime.

From Seymour to Shlomo (11)

Once I was waiting in line in the dining hall and talking to my friend behind me about how dead-tired I am from all that running around. I did not notice that our regimental commander, Colonel Tracy*, was nearby and overheard me talking. I was called into his office and charged with bad-mouthing officers and hurting morale. Also present was his assistant, a gentile named Captain Schuster*. I could hear them whispering, “What can you expect from these soldiers from New York?” I could only assume that he meant Jews but was careful not to say the word.

I was punished with a month of KP, that is, Kitchen Police. This is an elegant title for peeling potatoes and onions all day. I became well acquainted with the morning cook, a crude soldier of American Indian origin from Oklahoma*. I also befriended a blonde soldier from the Midwest named Armstrong*, who did the afternoon shift in the kitchen.

I also made mistakes with my buddies in the platoon. I was using a machine gun with a Southern boy named Eason*. There were many boys from the South in our unit. I remember one named Steagall who was very friendly. I was fascinated by the slow Southern accent of Eason. I was tempted to imitate it in a friendly way.

From Seymour to Shlomo (12)

Slowly but surely, Eason began to dislike the idea and thought that I was  mocking him. I decided to apologize, back off and speak normally, but it was too late. Eason gave me a dirty look, “You’re a Jew, aren’t you?” I realized that our friendship should remain confined to our machine gun*.

My careless talk about chicken shit was partly due to my lack of acceptance among the people in my barracks. By chance, they were mostly Yugoslavs from the coal mines of Pennsylvania. They had Slavic names such as Kravets* and Zigo* but one of them was a tough German-American named Roehmer.

Zigo was short and blonde and once challenged me to a fight. He said, “I know you guys, you own all the stores in Mercer*, Pennsylvania and cheat our people.” I tried to argue back, saying, “Look, leave me alone. I'm from New York, not Mercer. My father is a simple worker, not a merchant. Why blame me for the sins of others who happen to be Jews?” This led to a shouting match and we almost got into a fight.

The Pennsylvania soldiers were  infected by anti-Semitism. I once met a Serbian* soldier named Milan*. He asked me why I am in the infantry. I said that I'm a soldier like him. He insisted that I should be working in an office or a laboratory, like the other Jews. Milan claimed that he had never before seen a Jew in our unit.

From Seymour to Shlomo (13)

Antisemitism even infected Saracelli*, my Italian-American neighbor. He was friendly until he discovered I’m Jewish and he became very cool to me. Of course, I did not emphasize my religion, although the Southerners were so infected with hatred against Negroes that they seemed to regard every white man as a brother.

Private Cease*, a cheerful, chubby Southerner, stopped me once and wished me a happy Jewish holiday. I asked, "How did you know that I am Jewish?" He replied that he is from Atlanta, not from a small town. There is a big department store in Atlanta called Sokol and everyone knew that the owners are Jews. But we remained friends.

There was a large Roman Catholic church across the street from the campus. It was the object of my fantasies of running away to greener pastures. I used to listen to the regular ringing of the church bells and they attracted my attention. I asked myself, “Why not walk in and take a look around? Surely they would welcome me and make me feel comfortable.”

This was surely naïve because it would ignore all the centuries of the Inquisition* and other persecution. But I did indeed enter one day. I sat down and began to read booklets about their principles. I was amazed to discover that their ideas about marriage and sin contradict all the liberal ideas that I had learned in school. I went away feeling that here was another god who had failed.

From Seymour to Shlomo (14)

I have pleasant memories of Rutgers, although I did not meet many girls. We had strict discipline and marched in formation from class to class. I remember one teacher, Mr. Kleinschmidt* , who tried to help me in mechanical drawing but without success.

I was reminded of my failures in Mr. Jackson's class in high school. We would receive a project to draw a certain part and everyone would finish it in a few days, whereas I was always late in handing it in. Despite my difficulty in under-standing shapes, I remember that I enjoyed the calligraphy*, lettering, language and symbols in the drawings. Even then, I suppose, those were my real interests.

We lived in a dormitory that had become vacant when the students were drafted. Despite the restrictions, I did manage to make friends with a lot of young people my age and got a taste of what it was like to live away from home. I used to travel home by the Pennsylvania Railroad every weekend and even today I remember some of the stops with strange-sounding names such as Metuchen*, Rahway*, Hightstown, and New Brunswick.

I had never been away from home before, except for a few weeks in a summer camp during the early years of the war. I took advantage of a free vacation offered by our neighborhood Settlement House at a camp somewhere in the Catskills.

From Seymour to Shlomo (15)

The earth smelled fresh and moist and the air was cool and clean. Our footsteps on the wooden planks of the floor echoed through the hollows in the foundations. Unfortunately, there were rips in the window screens and the mosquitoes* would invade and sting. Some campers had fertile imaginations and whispered that German Nazis may be living in the area.

One of our young counselors stands out, a certain Schwartz*, who was waiting to be drafted. He used to take us out on nature walks and ask us to dig for little animals and rocks. When we complained that we want to keep our hands clean, he used to explain, "Hey, fellas, dirty hands are all right, because there is clean dirt and dirty dirt. This dirt here is clean." I have not forgotten that lesson.

When you are young and ride home on trains it is an unforgettable experience and I therefore regret that I live so far from any railway in Israel. One of my fellow-travelers was an officer and he gently explained to me some of my failings in personal hygiene and appearance. Sometimes I would not change uniforms often enough. Sometimes I did not shave properly. I would occasionally have a beer at Stillman's* joint next to the campus, where we Jewish boys could relax.

From Seymour to Shlomo (16)

Being away from home in the army, I had become detached from my family to the point that I even had no idea that my father's health was failing. Well, I knew that he had a heart problem. He would get out of breath just climbing up to our apart-ment upstairs. But he never suffered any sustained chest pains and was never close to a heart attack. I did know that he took some pills such as digitalis*.

He held on for several years, but my sister Jeanne had already begun to watch over him. I think that she helped him to move from our second-floor apartment on Beck Street* to a ground floor flat on Avenue Saint John* nearby, but Jeanne corrects me on this. We lived on the third (not second) floor on Beck Street and our father moved to a first (not ground) floor apartment. Well, when your father is old and sick, every floor counts.

I must give my sister full credit for this, because she had suffered a lot from the bitter opposition of our parents and Aunt Ida over her marriage in 1946 to Joe Zanger. They kept repeating a rumor that he had a wife and three children hidden secretly somewhere. I could never believe such an absurd story. I am sure that Joe had some faults, but he was not a philanderer*. Jeanne was very hurt because the three children belonged to Joe’s married brother, not Joe.

From Seymour to Shlomo (17)

Joe Zanger was a simple laborer, a gentle soul who had been embittered by the anti-Semitic attitudes of his fellow-workers in the shipyards*, where he worked as a welder. In fact, he was injured in the eye by a spark from his welding torch and did not see too well after that. He thinks that he was so upset by the insults and snubs that he just lost his concentration and hurt himself. The detractors* in our family simply could not understand that this is America and children have the right to choose their partners for life, for better or for worse, in sickness and in health. They also did not understand that my sister was badly in need of a loving family who would regard her as a person.

Such a loving family would not just see her as a daughter of inferior status, as was the custom in Poland. Joe's family accepted her into their midst and this filled a deep emotional need. My sister would talk about his numerous brothers-in-law and sisters-in-law all the time and exchange visits with them. I was happy for her. This family dispute was a turning point in the development of my personality. I had been an unwilling witness, although fortunately not a participant, to all sorts of secret intrigues* and whispered conferences* about the courtship. No one considered the feelings of my sister. The parents would sometimes take me into their confidence and implicitly seek my support as a loyal son, by slipping out some details about Joe.

From Seymour to Shlomo (18)

Jeanne had had several suitors and I remember their names. There was Lenny* Rosenzweig, the husky pre-dental student and Joe Goldstein, who couldn't find work and had joined the National Guard. Joe used to admire my large frame and encouraged me to go in for contact sports. He once invited me to take the ferry to his base at Governors* Island. I remember all the green lawns and the red-brick barracks on the military base, but I have blocked out all his stories about how hard life was for a Jew in the pre-war military service. He once mentioned a platoon of soldiers who were killed in a road accident when their truck rolled off the road during maneuvers. My parents showed no hostility towards other suitors, only towards Joe Zanger.

My sister turned to me and asked for a brother’s understanding. After all, we had trekked together her over the Triboro* Bridge that crossed two rivers, into far-off neighborhoods and towns. Once we even walked across the George Washington Bridge over the Hudson* River and found ourselves in the Palisades* Park at Englewood* Cliffs, New Jersey. Jeanne had taught me the love of nature during all our long walks. She listened intently and patiently while I explained with excitement about how the digestive system works. I had discovered the intestines, stomach, liver and the other organs, as well as excretions such as enzymes*, bile and saliva.

From Seymour to Shlomo (19)

Under her influence, I enrolled for the weekend nature walks sponsored by the Herald Tribune* with some respected guide whose name was perhaps Griffith*. Once, when I was twelve years old  and got angry with her on a hike. I ran away and went home alone by subway and felt guilty for a long time, but in truth I was proud of myself for taking the right trains and not getting lost on the way.

I think that it was my wanderings on foot that prompted me to make a supreme effort at age 16 to learn to ride a bicycle. I would rent a bike in Central Park* during the summer vacations and ride and fall, ride and fall on the pathways. In the end I joined a group of riders on a long bicycle ride to the edge of town.

The group included my high school friend and neighbor Jay Graber*. By the way, Jay later moved to Kew* Gardens, near Forest Hills, where my sister lived for many years until 1999.  It must have been a hot day because I got real thirsty and did the unthinkable. I knocked on the door of a private house and some kind lady gave me drink of cold water. Jay also remembers this ride. I shall not forget Jay Graber for some of his stories when I visited him in the middle of the nineties. We spoke about stolen cars, about his wife Anita and his valuable collections.

From Seymour to Shlomo (20)

Jay Graber said that his neighborhood has many rich people and is a target for car thieves. They broke into his car several times and stole one or two. When they encounter a locked steering wheel*, they cannot drive the car away, so they become frustrated and angry. They smash at the wheel with force, break it off and vandalize the car.

Jay’s wife Anita had a sad youth. She was born in Germany and stayed there until late, to try to save her family and her property. When the world war was almost certain to start in 1939, she got a visa to the United States and boarded the last passenger ship* that left Germany. Jay and Anita feel that they are connected to the Jewish people. They even have relatives in Israel and visit often. The contribute to many societies in Israel and know many important people. They showed me a magnificent collection of old manuscripts in Hebrew that seem to be very valuable. They also collect famous letters and other souvenirs. It was clear to me that although they live in America, their heart is in Israel. To my regret, I have lost contact with Jay since my visit.

By the way, there were also car-thieves in Forest Hills, Queens, where my sister lived. But a locked steering wheel could not stop them. They  parked a small tow-truck* in the middle of the street at night, next to a parked car, and lift the car onto the truck from the side. They did not need to drive the car away and later broke the lock in a garage.

From Seymour to Shlomo (21)

To return to my youth, as time went on and the family squabbles continued, my confusion increased and I could hardly concentrate on school work. On the one hand, I got the habit of closing my ears against bitter, baseless and back-biting* talk. On the other hand, I began to act like a journalist. That is, I would listen to one side of a story and reply by quoting the other side. This is good balanced journalism and preserves the trust of your sources of information. But if the people around you are your own family, it can be dangerous because it can draw flak and accusations of being naive and credulous.

I was learning the dangers of extreme views and the necessity to find compromises by getting together and talking things out. I am sure that many other young people who are caught up in such a dysfunctional* situation come to similar conclusions.

In the late winter of 1944, while I was still in uniform, I was selected to return to the ASTP program, this time at Ohio State University in Columbus. This was my first time living in the Middle West and I was amazed at the friendliness of the people, especially the Jewish community. I would eat regularly at Neil Hall* with my buddies and we had a circle of girl friends who ate with us. It was very cozy, especially since some of the fellows had been together at Rutgers.

From Seymour to Shlomo (22)

I began to date steadily a girl named Lois Salzman* from Cleveland. We went walking, saw movies together, went dancing and if things kept developing, we may have married in the end. I think I even visited her home to meet her folks. I must have seemed then to be a good candidate because I remember visiting the homes of a girl named Leora Rothschild* in Akron*, a girl named Esther Kaplan in Cleveland and Rita Leisten* in Red Bank, New Jersey. The Rothschild girl was very petite, intelligent and quiet, but she and her parents were survivors of the Holocaust from Germany and it was a barrier between us. Also, I think that she was a bit embarrassed by the modest house in which she lived.

Esther Kaplan* was another story. She was tall and fair and wore thick lenses over her red cheeks. She was unusually shy and bashful but sometimes broke out into laughter for no apparent reason. Her parents, however, were not shy at all. They insisted that I observe the Sabbath with them and questioned me closely about my religious practices, making it very clear that if I am not ready to keep to traditions, then there is nothing more to talk about. Rita Leisten, on the other hand, was mysterious and really turned me on. She was so intellectual that I came away from every meeting with my head full of new ideas. My head was full of some age-old ideas as well.

From Seymour to Shlomo (23)

But Rita Leisten* kept her distance in an elegant way. At last I realized that our relationship had come to a dead end. It was through Rita that I met another student, Iris Litt*. My wife Ruth tells me that Iris was a fellow student at Central High School in Mamaroneck, New York. They must have been friends because one Friday evening Iris invited Ruth to accompany her to New York to see an off-Broadway show.

The show finished late and the girls rushed to the Grand Central Station to catch the last train of the New Haven* and Hartford* railroad before sunset. The train had already departed and they had to wait for the next one. In the meantime, Ruth called up home to tell her parents that she would be late. When she came home, her mother was furious over Ruth’s absence from the ceremony to welcome the Sabbath.

Lois Saltzman* was plain, superficial and often giddy, but also out-going and fun-loving. I felt good with her and was only one short step away from declaring my intentions when she hinted that her father had some plans to take me into his business. For me, a poor boy from the South Bronx*, it could have been a meal ticket to a comfortable home in the suburbs and good living. But I was afraid to see myself ten years later stuck at a job that pays well but is not interesting.

From Seymour to Shlomo (24)

As I recall, another problem with Lois was that she did not share my enthusiasm for Jewish activities. I never saw her at Hillel House or at demonstrations for Palestine. When there is no sharing on such vital issues, then what is left to talk about? A lifetime partner is not only sex and children. All in all, neither Lois nor any other friend could help me open the next chapter in my life.

To be fair to Lois, I think that she offered me real friendship and perhaps even affection. To this day, I am grateful for her interest in me, which helped me to learn about women. Lois was just about the only girl friend at college whose face and character I clearly remember. I sincerely hope that she married the right guy and set up a family as she had wished.

I graduated from Ohio State University in December of 1947 with a bachelor's degree in electrical engineering. Not being sure of my future, and not willing to leave the cozy cocoon of college life, I drifted into graduate school in physics. But all the time I was becoming more and more interested in farming studies. I even went so far as to visit the Agricultural Science building several times, where I realized how woefully lacking was my background in the subjects, such as soil drainage, seeding cycles, and seasons. The students whom I met there had come from rich experiences in farm work.

From Seymour to Shlomo (25)

This lack of proper background and training reminded me of the time when I became interested in religion. I had just been discharged from service in August 1946 and still felt a need to find my bearings. I wrote a long letter to the Rabbi Isaac Elchanan* seminary (later Yeshiva College), asking to be accepted for religious studies.

I knew that I would never be a rabbi because I had been detached from synagogue life for so long. Actually, my interest was aroused when I was a basketball fan in high school. One of the teams in our league was the Talmudical* Academy of Brooklyn. I was surprised how modern their players and fans looked and how well they played.

Then in the army I began to go to services on Friday evenings out of lack of much else to do in camp. The chaplain* assumed that I knew the prayers and called me to take part but I was so embarrassed about my ignorance that I found excuses to wiggle out. My buddies had whispered that he was not so pure as he appears and had been seen whooping* it up in St. Louis. But I did not believe that a rabbi could behave that way.

From Seymour to Shlomo (26)

I do recall that he loved to discuss religious issues and we had deep discussions sometimes. He once urged me to stay away from the Reconstructionist* movement of Rabbi Mordechai Kaplan because in his view it is pantheistic and emphasizes only certain aspects of the Almighty whereas the Orthodox see all the aspects. My interest in religion had been sustained during my time at college. Feeling lonely, I would frequently attend parties and lectures at the old Hillel House, where I was greeted and befriended by Rabbi Harry Kaplan. We held many informal conversations, during which he impressed me with his wide range of knowledge and humane approach to students. Looking back, I think that he felt that I was groping for an ideal and lacked a real compass* in life.

Rabbi Harry Kaplan did not talk or behave like a guru*, simply like a mentor*. His was the human face of Judaism and I was impressed. He may have been a Conservative or even a Reconstructionist, I do not know. That was the beauty of it, because he emphasized the basics of being a Jewish student. He avoided partisan politics and kept to the big issues of the day, such as the struggle to implement the United Nations decision to partition Palestine.

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It was at the Hillel House that I had met several students from Palestine. One was Alex Stern*, a thin intellectual type with wire-frame eyeglasses, who was born in Romania* and had spent a few years in Palestine. We American Jewish students had a tendency to view every Palestinian in America as an emissary of one kind or another - kibbutz, Jewish Agency, public relations and so on.

Alex emphasized that he is not the emissary or representative of any organization; but rather a private person who has come to study He was quite preoccupied with the dangerous military situation all over Palestine, especially on the roads and in Jerusalem. He kept repeating that it is not a game, that real bullets* are flying and killing people.

He was astonished by what he regarded as our naive approach to current events and tried to wake us up to reality. But his attitude could not dampen my enthusiasm and his lack of interest in Zionist action put him at the bottom of my list. We marked him down as someone coming from a tired and cynical* Old World.

Another student from Palestine was Aryeh Kesselman. He was soft-spoken, tall, thin with black wavy hair and buck* teeth. He was the son of the founders of the famous firm of certified public accountants in Tel Aviv, Kesselman and Kesselman,

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Despite his bourgeois* background, Aryeh was close to the labor movement and identified himself as a member of the Hagana, the underground self-defense force of the Histadrut* Federation of Labor. Sometimes, when we met on the paths of the campus, he would recognize me from Hillel House and stop his bicycle to talk.

I was fascinated by his constant use of a bicycle and asked him about it. He was proud that Tel Aviv (at that time) was free of motorcars and everyone rode around on bicycles. The weather was usually mild and the cost of cars was prohibitive for many. This led me to ask about culture* and customs* in Palestine and he told me in glowing* terms about the new way of life being forged there.

I once remarked that I had discussed some violent incident in the Middle East with a Lebanese student. This made Aryeh very angry because he seemed to have appointed himself as a guardian of Zionist information on the campus. I replied, "Even though your education here is subsidized by the Jewish Agency*, you are not an official emissary of Israel and should not interfere in our contacts with Arab students." But he did appeal to my Zionist sympathies and briefed me on how to approach Arab students, to show sympathy for their sufferings in the war yet preserve Jewish dignity and self-respect. You could see his conscience written all over his face and in the end, it led to his downfall.

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When hostilities broke out, the Jewish Agency warned all Palestinian students to continue their studies in the States for the sake of the future. Aryeh ignored this instruction and rushed back to join his unit. He fell in action in the Negev*. When I reached Israel, I sent a letter of condolences* to his mother and she was very moved to hear my words of appreciation. She invited me to her home for a visit whenever I come to town.

Another sabra whom I met was Ehud Levi Pascal*, a chubby*, short fellow with a thin voice and no-nonsense attitude. Unlike Kesselman, he liked to have a good time downtown, dancing and drinking at bars. Since I naively regarded every Palestinian student as a representative of our cause. I was stunned. His name interested me though and I hinted to him about his background. Since he was not very responsive, I turned to Aryeh Kesselman for information.

It turned out that Pascal is a variation of Paschal (Pesach) and he comes from an old Sephardi family who had settled in Petach Tikva and made a lot of money using Arab labor in citrus orchards. He was in the centrist* General Zionist movement but sympathized with the leftist Hagana self-defense force. He did not sympathize with the rightist underground called the National Military Organization (Irgun Zvai Leumi), under Menachem Begin.

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Ehud Levi Pascal also had no sympathy for the leftist underground called the Freedom Fighter of Israel (Lochemei Herut Yisrael), under Avraham Yellin-Mor*. These dissident groups rejected the Hagana policy of self-restraint* (havlaGA). Instead, they insisted on blind retaliation against the police and army of the British Mandatory authorities and demanded active armed resistance. I found out about the sympathies of Ehud Levi Pascal one evening when we attended a lecture at Hillel House. The lecturer was a spokesman of some American organization that supported the Irgun militia of Begin.

The speaker kept hammering* away at the military situation in Palestine and the terror of the British police. I remember that he mentioned over and over again whips, torture, detention, random shootings, kidnappings, sudden road-blocks and so on. That part was scary but the audience remained calm, Then he launched into a bitter attack against the Hagana and accused its leaders of collaborating with the British to suppress any militias that were activist and did not accept self-restraint. These accusations aroused a storm of protest. Aryeh Kesselman and Ehud Levi Pascal, stood up, raised their fists and shouted, "We have met people like you in Palestine, who have no sense of national responsibility and discipline. Here you live in the safety of America and you dare to incite people against our recognized leaders. You are nothing but a coward*."

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The people seated around us were amazed at the fury of the reaction and acted to restrain the two Palestinians. I myself was sure that a fist* fght would break out. In the end, everyone calmed down and the lecture continued but the lecturer was not repentant for his vicious charges. I remember coming away with the feeling that the stakes are very high in Palestine and that people are playing for keeps. In the end, Pascal and I had some pleasant conversations but I did not see him as a guiding light.

My biggest disappointment, however, was Haim Polishuk. He was tall, thin, well-groomed with a mustache and always dressed in loud suits, jackets and ties. I spoke to him several times at Jewish gatherings and was impressed by his British mannerisms and his lack of interest in Zionism, which he concealed by an amiable façade*. For the life of me I could not figure out how a Jew could live in Palestine and not be a Zionist, especially since he did not fit the pattern of non-Zionists or anti-Zionists, such as the Communists and the ultra-orthodox religious Jews.

The Communist opponents see in Zionism a nationalist force that turns people away from the class struggle. The ultra-orthodox opponents, such as Agudat Yisrael*, see Zionism as a secular force that turns people away from religion and delays the coming of the Messiah. I concluded that Haim Polishuk was just a plain petty bourgeois who behaved as if he had drifted into Palestine, although  his parents had surely made a conscious decision to come here.

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This idea of people drifting along on the tides of fate was later nailed down for me at an ideological seminar of our kibbutz movement. Our principal lecturer was the elderly spiritual and political leader of the Kibbutz Meuchad, Yitzhak Tabenkin*. He spoke about passive Jews who drift with the tides of fate. He used the Greek word "sty-CHI-a" to describe this phenomenon of history. I admit that I had never heard this word before and I can only assume that it is a part of the Marxist doctrine. It is apparently from the Greek but it wasn't in the Webster unabridged dictionary.

Stychia seems to be the process of aimless wandering, without a plan, just drifting along, buffeted by the winds of change. The wanderer trusts fate and looks for the easiest way out to better horizons. This could apply not only to Jewish history, but also to aimless job-hopping*, to love affairs that come and go, and so on.

The idea of Stychia has stuck in my mind because my own parents had wandered out of Russia and into the United States by the same process. Of course I have no quarrel with them because they were innocent, honest, hard-working* people. And I can never forget that their emigration from Eastern Europe and their sacrifices saved us all from the Holocaust.

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But still, in their choice of a destination, my parents just followed the leaders in their town. In effect, they emigrated in the footsteps of their relatives who had already arrived, settled down and vouched* for them. It was a cycle in which my own parents, after they had arrived and settled down, could vouch for the rest of the family who had stayed behind in waiting.

To return to the Israeli Haim Polishuk, it was clear that he came from a wealthy family because he needed to finance his studies without a scholarship. It was obvious that he had rarely set foot outside the Tel Aviv area, He was a solid supporter of the anti-Labor* movement of Menachem Begin.

It made me realize clearly that Palestine is not only pioneers and hard-working settlers. It is also dandies* who try to imitate the British authorities and their way of life. I learned a lot from observing Polishuk. He gets my recommendation as a fashion model, but not as a role model.

To return to my application to the rabbinical seminary, it was rejected. I do not have a copy of their letter, but it stated that my background in Jewish studies was too far below the required level.  I recall that they suggested that I take private lessons from a rabbi. They had a point, since I knew next to nothing about the Talmud* or the writings of the Sages.

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At that time, the Yeshiva* College did not have any preparatory and outreach programs, the way they have now. So my yearnings to express my Jewish feelings had to find other outlets. After my brother's death, I saw no sense in continuing my graduate studies in physics at Ohio State. The situation in Palestine was heating up so I went back to New York and made contact with the Pioneer Department of the Jewish Agency. There I met an emissary named Yehuda Messinger* from kibbutz Ramat Yochanan.

Ramat means "the hill of" and Yochanan is in honor of General Jan Smuts*, the white nationalist leader of South Africa during the War. The source of his sympathy and support for the Zionist cause was the common vision of Jews and Christians to redeem the Holy Land in the end of days. 

Although the kibbutz is located not far from Haifa, it would later become an important outpost. It blocked the advance into the Haifa Bay area of the irregulars from Lebanon under the banner of the so-called Arab Army of Salvation*. Messinger briefly introduced me to a writer named Ari ibn-Zahav who was working on some novel or other, but I did not have a chance to really converse. The unusual appearance and customs of these Palestinians fascinated me. Their simple dress and directness of approach reminded me more of my friend Aryeh Kesselman than of anyone else.

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I explained that I was a member of the Intercollegiate Zionist Federation of America (IZFA*) from Ohio State and that I would like to sign up for preparation to go to Palestine. I am sure that if I had had any combat experience or had served on a warship* they would have referred me on the spot to the agents of our defense force.

As it was, there was no training farm yet for IZFA people and I would have to go to the training farm of Habonim, the youth movement of the Labor Zionist Organization at Cream Ridge*, New Jersey. It was good for me emotionally because I needed to get away, to work hard and consider my future.

I don’t remember much about the Habonim farm, except that it was not on any railway line and I had to travel either by bus or by hitching a ride on the farm's truck. I felt a bit of an outsider because the trainees on the farm were a bit younger than I and had known each other for a long time. I remember our comrade Hayim Zeldis* who later made a mark for himself in English poetry and literature. He would sit down on the floor with us and read poems and essays on Jewish subjects, some written by himself. He had a small goatee beard and intense feelings.

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Before Zeldis, I had thought that poems were classical literature to be learned or children's ditties about roses are red and violets are blue. His mentor was the American Labor Zionist leader, Hayim Greenberg*. Despite some pleasant experiences, the atmosphere was definitely parochial; there was an accepted set of beliefs and slogans. This disturbed me, even though I agreed with many of the socialist principles that were held to guarantee the Zionist revival.

My impression of parochialism among the young pioneers was reinforced when we used to receive visits from neighbors at the training farm of the Bnei Akiva* religious movement. They would come from time to time to do some task or other that could not be done on their own farm, maybe using our potato-peeling machine. They were mostly native-born who lived cooperatively as we did but their ultra-modest dress, devotion to prayers and refusal to eat our food put up a barrier between us.

We agreed about the need to settle the Land of Israel, and that the kibbutz way of life was an excellent instrument for this, but there was nothing much left to discuss. Yet we could exchange anecdotes* about city youth trying to succeed on the farm or our experiences in synagogues or Talmud Torah schools. As I recall, we grew different crops and used different types of farm machines.

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I keep wondering what the religious Zionists would have thought had we introduced them to an extraordinary pioneer named Ada Schwartz. She had an illegitimate* child with dark skin, apparently from a black father. She would not talk about the father. It was rumored that she had once been an anarchist, or even a communist. She painted the walls of her room black and refused to sleep in a bed or sit on a chair.

I have no idea how such a person could be admitted to our group of idealists. Maybe her father had influence and pulled strings* to get her into a healthy environment. I had met some free-living students in college but I had never before met a real bohemian. It all seemed weird and unnatural. I was truly fascinated by her way of living but nevertheless she scared me to death. In my imagination, she was like a witch.

I remember getting stuck once on the highways. A friend and I decided to attend a nation-wide Habonim (or was it IZFA?) convention in Detroit*. We started to hitch-hike from Cream Ridge, because we had no money for a bus or a train. Everything went well until we reached some rural junction in New Jersey, where no one would stop for us. The hours passed and we were tired and hungry so we found a local store and asked why no one was stopping to pick us up.

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The locals reported that a brutal assault had occurred at that same junction just a short time ago, and everyone was wary of strangers. I suppose that we finally had to catch a local bus to reach another town. This memory leads me to think that hitch-hiking*was perhaps still an accepted norm in those days, whereas nowadays it is another story. Getting stuck on the highways was nothing compared to what happened to Dave Levine* who was with us at Cream Ridge. He and a buddy were killed in a road accident on the way back East.

He was a big, husky, cheerful fellow. I thought that he was from Canada but my friend Moshe Sheskin*of kibbutz Hulda, who comes from Montreal, informs me that Dave was a New Yorker who was with him at the Habonim training farm in Smithville, Ontario. You could recognize Dave by the overalls that he always wore, ready to jump onto a tractor or a farm machine.

I think that the death of Dave Levine was the start of my obsession about road accidents, which became stronger when I myself almost got seriously hurt. A small commercial van in which I was a passenger in back overturned in 1950 near Kibbutz Matzuba* in the Western Galilee, not far from Nahariya on the coast. Our group had temporarily moved from Bet HaShitta to kibbutz Matzuba for a trial period of nine months. 

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However, the framework and population of Matzuba were very different from those of our home base at Bet HaShitta. Matzuba was a small society of about 150 members, pioneer youth from Germany and Hungary*. They were not actively searching for new people. Bet HaShitta, on the other hand, was a large and growing society of several hundred members who were looking for more.

We had discovered a group of young, well-educated French speaking Jews from Morocco who were in training to start a new kibbutz. We decided to join them for a limited time to see whether the two groups could unite. Perhaps it was the beautiful landscape of sea, hills and forest that attracted us. Maybe it was the exciting adventure of the Lebanese border nearby. We were certainly attracted to their very chic* young ladies.

Kibbutz Bet HaShitta was looking to expand both its population and its economy. The members of Matzuba belonged to the main stream of the Labor party, that is, loyal to David Ben Gurion and his policies. Bet HaShitta was divided into mainstream Labor and militant leftist radicals who opposed any compromise with capitalism. These divisions would become manifest later during the Korean War. In the meantime we could not acclimatize* and we went back to Bet HaShitta after six months or so.

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About the accident, a kibbutz driver had asked me to go along with him to load up some barrels of lime* for use in white-washing walls. It was a rainy day and the roads were wet. We were on a completely straight stretch of flat road between hills when the small van began to skid and slowly fall to the right side. As it was, I was sitting in back among the barrels and I got knocked around a bit but came out without real injury. It could have been much worse if we had been speeding, or if I had been sitting next to the driver. Also, If the barrels had not been empty but rather full of lime, then they would have battered me, splashed lime all over me and burned my skin. I escaped by the skin of my teeth.

That incident reinforced my general fixation on safety. I have joined and pay regular dues to a non-profit foundation called Metuna (Moderation), with headquarters in Netanya. The leaders of Metuna are Professor Zvi Weinberg (ex British) of Bar-Ilan University, Professor Elihu Richter* (ex-American) of the Hebrew University and Ivan Pope*, a leading insurance agent. Richter heads the trauma unit in the Hadassah Hospital. I met all these leaders at a conference in Jerusalem in January of 1997. The British ambassador, Manning*, gave a short speech, followed by a senior traffic inspector from some county in England that has had phenomenal success in reducing accidents by curbing speeds.

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We firmly believe that highway deaths are not really accidents, but rather reflect the corruptive influences in our society, such as vulgarity*, impatience, discourtesy and impoliteness. Under these influences, drivers travel at speeds that do not fit road conditions and follow other cars at distances that do not fit traffic conditions. Of course everyone has his own ideas about the causes of death on the roads, and the list is endless - human error, bad roads, poor lighting, poor policing and so on.

Yet when a driver declares that he knows all about road safety because he drives a car, it resembles a speaker of English who thinks he knows all about the language because he uses it. When the victim of a crash arrives at the emergency ward and his whole family is in shock*, then the causes are left far behind. In effect, the war on road accidents is on such a wide front, that every effort to fight it must be welcomed, no matter what the source or outlook.

Metuna is based in Netanya but has close links to the Jerusalem College of Technology, which has developed a hand-held monitoring device called Marom* (Heights), now officially adopted by the Israel Police in its fight against road accidents. The Marom can measure, record and print out as evidence the speeds of passing cars, the distances between them and the numbers of the license plates

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Meanwhile, at the training farm of Habonim at Cream Ridge, I was not in good physical shape in the spring of 1948. I could hardly keep up with the others at work. To help support the farm, we were encouraged to seek outside work. One week, I found myself moving bales of hay from the fields to a haystack* in the second story of a barn, which is usual in northern countries where there are rainstorms in the summer.

The farmer happened to be Jewish and quickly noticed my distress, even though there was a motorized conveyor belt* for the bales. So he helped me out and gave me some time to rest. I can only assume that he sympathized with the goals of our training farm, because I was not really earning my wages.

This farmer and others told stories about attempts by Jewish farmers to raise chickens in New Jersey. They were very idealistic and concentrated in towns like Vineland* and Freehold I recall having seen some deserted chicken coops in the area, although some Jewish-owned chicken farms were still active at that time. Their story is now probably forgotten, but may be mentioned in the histories of Jewish farm settlement that were supported by Baron de Hirsch*, who devoted most of his efforts to settling Jewish farmers in other parts of the world, notably the cattle farmers in Argentina.

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Another baron, Edmond de Rothschild of France, devoted most of his philanthropy to help the struggling farmers in Palestine. The common motive of the two Barons was to assist Jews to escape from the pressure cooker and strait-jacket* of the Pale of Settlement in Czarist Russia.

After my unsuccessful experi-ence with bales of hay, I got the bright idea to look for work at an electrical* enterprise in the vicinity. I wrote them a letter to introduce myself but did not receive any reply. I fancied the idea that the owners were anti-Semites anyway and probably did not want Jews around.

In fact, it was all so naive. I had no references*, no experience and could not even guarantee that I would remain in the area for any length of time. I could have done better as a dish washer and indeed I did my turn washing dishes after meals on the farm.

After several months at Cream Ridge, the time had come to move on. The Habonim labor Zionists needed the room for their own people. Further-more, our own group of student Zionists was wary of getting too close to any political party lest we lose our appeal to the general public and scare off* people.

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So we decided to accept the offer of Young Judea and move to their training farm in Poughkeepsie*, New York, several hours away up  the Hudson River. It was a pleasant enough place but here again I encountered a parochial atmosphere. The trainees had been educated for many years in General Zionism.

My mention of scaring people away reminds me of an incident with a reluctant supporter of the farm. He was a middle-aged local businessman who occasionally came to visit. One time, he kept hacking away at the subject of political Communism*. He was very worried about our cooperative way of life and the danger of Communist influence. Our leaders tried to humor him by explaining again and again that our kibbutz ways are not connected to Communism or to Soviet Russia, which he hated and despised. The hysteria of the McCarthy* era was on the threshold and its chilly winds were already blowing in our direction.

I remember taking part in general meetings on all sorts of current issues. We once discussed at length ways and means to help some parents who may need financial assistance or medical attention because we their children were not at home. Yet here too I could not really become active in working committees*.

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This was because I was a newcomer and not familiar with the workings of Young Judea. It would take some months until I felt at home enough with the group to join a committee of some kind. I am not implying that outsiders like me were not welcome. In fact, the trainees made an effort to make me feel at home. But they had patterns of thought and speech that were strange to me at first. Maybe part of it was because they had obviously come from families that were well off or affluent. I think that the atmosphere closely resembled a summer camp. There were outdoor showers* and an improvised sports field.

For the first time I saw spartan-looking* girls, short and stocky like Dina Green and the peppery dynamo called Judy, playing basketball just like boys. I suppose that my ideas of co-education were backward because I had gone to an all-male high school, the Bronx High School of Science. Of course I did not choose it because it was all male and sports fields, but rather because it was all scholarship in academic fields. I still do not know why girls were not admitted during the first years and think that if I had studied next to girls I would have grown up more smoothly, in a balanced and harmonious way. I used to hear from other students about house parties where boys and girls danced and had fun, but I cannot remember ever having been invited. All my time was devoted to studies. Only at the age of seventeen did I start to learn to dance, mostly by following the instructions in a text book.

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The training farm of Young Judea was different in many ways. Maybe I was homesick*, because I began to call my father from a public telephone at the railroad station when I arrived. He worried about my travelling on trains.

Also, unlike Cream Ridge, the place had a little makeshift synagogue and we used to hold services under a canopy* on Friday evenings. Although I was estranged from religious traditions, I did welcome the services as a social event and took part. Guest rabbis would come to lead the prayers.

At Poughkeepsie, I was still not used to hard work because I remember goofing* off from time to time. I worked for several weeks in our vegetable garden, which was located about 300 yards from our main building. It was hot outside and I should have taken some cold water with me in a jug, but my thirst was really a good excuse.

To tell the truth, my back would often ache from the weeding* and I often found myself walking all the way back to the kitchen just to straighten up for a while instead of standing in one spot. It must have hurt my conscience because I remember it to this day.

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Another thing that I recall from Poughkeepsie was the big controversy that we had over a torchlight parade. It must have been some holiday and our emissary from Israel, Danny Brisker*, insisted on lining us up military-style holding large torches to march through the camp singing songs, holding slogans aloft. Most of the members thought that the rally* is an original, sacred Israeli custom and therefore obeyed. However, a sizebable minority had reservations and began to speak up in protest against this sort of mass rally. I myself had been in the army and was fed up with parades. Some of the youth were Holocaust survivors and claimed that such a demonstration reminded them of the Hitler Youth. You can imagine how such talk ignited feelings and passion.

Danny Brisker was very tempera-mental, articulate and sometimes argumentative. He was stocky, with a strong jaw, square face and florid complexion. I still have a photograph of him with Henrietta Szold when she visited a Youth Aliya village run by the Hanoar Hatzioni* (Zionist Youth), affiliated with the General Zionists. As I recall, he was born in Romania where the General Zionists were the dominant force in the Jewish community. After aliya, he joined Kefar Glickson, a small kibbutz near Givat Ada. Friends in the kibbutz told me that Moshe Glickson* had been a respected Jewish leader in Romania. Brisker had somehow met and married the daughter of a famous American Zionist leader, whose name ended in -owski.

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Danny Brisker defended the mass rally by torch light, stating that it was not a German invention and that the Nazis do not own the copyrights*. In his view, mass rallies and drum parades are a tangible expression of solidarity among youth and an honorable tradition; an integral part of many youth movements in Europe to inspire and stir young people to action for any given cause.

Our more moderate comrades intervened by claiming that Young Judea is not built along the lines of European youth movements since it sprouted on free American soil. Brisker was adamant and insisted that campfires and burning slogans are symbols that incite and excite youth everywhere. I am reminded of all this because I had intended to visit Danny Brisker for old times' sake when I came to Israel. I kept putting it off and postponing it until finally I got the news that he had died quite young of cancer*.

Brisker was a stormy petrel* and I remember him well because he introduced me to a type of Israeli that I would later meet quite often. He held strong views based on firm found-ations and was unwilling to compromise or concede anything to opponents. He apparently felt that if he were to compromise on his ideology - in this case, liberal, democratic, non-socialist Zionism - then he would be compromising his integrity.

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Until now I had been a loner, without any other student Zionists to keep me company. In the Fall, our movement rented the use of a farm at Averill Park, in the Albany* area near Wappinger's Falls and I naturally moved over to there. My only memories of that place are that I felt more at home among the familiar faces of students and people whom I had met and known from meetings and conventions. Averill Park was less of a summer camp and more of a real farmstead*. It had old wooden buildings, old farm implements such as tractors with spiked wheels of metal instead of rubber tires. If I were ever to return there, I am sure that I would recognize the smell, a mixture of old wooden boards, hay and manure.

I remember encountering my first married couple, a tall, angular field worker named Yonah* and his pretty wife. I observed them closely, trying to figure out what it feels like to be permanently attached to one woman. My only memorable farm experience was in working for a few days in filling and tying sacks of buckwheat* at the back of a combine harvester. The grains came out straight into a jute bag hanging on hooks from a metal ring. It was exciting work, despite the terrible noise of the motor that sounded like an oncoming storm.

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Despite the fast pace of the work and the noisy machine, I felt good about being responsible and working hard. I had read about buckwheat in books, but had never seen it before. Perhaps my mother, of blessed memory, kept buckwheat in the house but she used to call it "kasha". To my untrained eye, it looked like the ordinary wheat seed that Mr. Lebow* brought to our junior high school biology class at Public School 52 on Kelly* Street in the Bronx. But I was not sure of how wheat is turned into bread.

The driver worked for a tractor station for the local farms. He used to slow down from time to time to let me catch up. Our training farm could hardly afford to buy a buckwheat harvester* because it could hardly repay the investment. The operator wandered around from farm to farm, harvesting the buckwheat, and made a lasting impression on me.

When I hear of the kibbutz buying a large farm machine, or a new car for the car pool, I wonder whether it would not be more economical to rent the machine or the car. Maybe I think of all the rusted* farm machines lying around in sheds everywhere. I imagine how they looked when they were shiny new and wonder whether they ever paid back the cost before they became outmoded. I know from experience that Israelis do not like to rent an apartment or anything else.

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There have lately been attempts to introduce the leasing system into Israel but it does not seem to be catching on. When I mention how economical it can be to lease a flat or a car, I am met with amazement. The British system of hire-purchase* lso makes no impression on anyone. Hire-purchase means paying a monthly rental for the latest models of television sets, video tape recorders and so on, with the option to credit the payments later on towards purchasing the rented equipment.

According to our pundits*, rent money only makes the owner richer, that is all, and in the end you are left with nothing, holding an empty wallet. We prefer to chain ourselves to a thirty-year mortgage instead, if only we can call ourselves the owners. I understand that the moshav settlements of small co-op farms and some Arab villages do have families who specialize in harvesting and picking services, and in that they have the advantage over us in the kibbutz. We apparently prefer to buy machines rather than rent them for use during the busy season.

I can still see the old wooden sheds of the farm at Averill Park and smell all the old implements lying around. I am sure that they have been sold long ago as collectibles*. For us city youth it was strange to encounter all the tools and materials that farmers save for future use. We had been used to advertisements for modern appliances and cars, although we could not always afford them.

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For me, who had driven only a bicycle before then (and even that, rarely, only as an adolescent) it was a new experience to drive a tractor. I had seen rubber* tires in other farms, but our tractor had metal wheels with spiral projections to grip the soil. It may have been a result of the War, when rubber was mobilized for the army.

After a few months, the fateful year of 1948 was drawing to a close and it was time to move on. I had exhausted the option of farm training. I now needed to consider my future and get closer to the scene of the action. As I look back, going back to my old life was no longer a possibility. The Jewish world seemed to be going up in flames* and here I was weeding vegetables and harvesting buckwheat. I had become friendly with some of the girls and had even had a strong crush on a girl named Ruth (not my wife Ruth) but she showed no interest in me and I remained unattached.

I did not find the emotional strength to consult with my family. My sister Jeanne had married Joe Zanger and had moved up to Nelson Avenue in the Bronx. My father Harry was left all alone but by now we were worlds apart. I could have considered his frail health more. Perhaps I was waiting passively for an SOS call, either from him or from my sister. In effect, I had crossed the Rubicon* and was being pushed forward by forces over which I had no real control.

From Seymour to Shlomo (53)

Perhaps I knew inwardly that if I let life pass me by, I would probably become a wimp or a nerd, that is, very intelligent but dead inside The interesting thing is that I have only recently picked up the terms "wimp*" and "nerd*". I do not remember them from those days. We used to use other words for an unsuccessful outsider worthy of pity, such as "nebbich" or "shlemiel" or "shlemazel".

Apropos Yiddish, my parents used to have some strong words to say about my sister's suitors, "Er iz ah GAWR-nisht." This comes from the German and roughly means that he is simply a nothing, a nobody, a non-entity*. This has been assimilated into modern Hebrew as "EFF-es", meaning "a zero". And if you are really pissed off at someone, you double it by saying "EFF-es m'oo-PAHSS" meaning a Zeroed Zero. The epithets* may change but the urge is apparently still with us.

Since my comrades counted on me to help run the farm, I did not want to just run off and desert everyone. So I discussed my position with them and wrote ,a long letter of explanation to the pioneering section of the Jewish Agency explaining why I wanted to leave the farm for Israel. Looking back, my letter was more like a true confession* than a formal application and may not even have interested anyone especially, since I was a free agent in any case.

From Seymour to Shlomo (54)

But I felt the need to set down my thoughts, clear the cobwebs* out of my head and make it clear that I am not leaving the group of students, just packing up earlier than the others. I remember visiting the offices of the Jewish Agency to receive their reply. For the first time I looked down carefully outside the window at the hustle and bustle of Broadway. I began to think of what would be when I put all this behind me, when I would leave the city in which I was born and grew up, the city where my close family still resided.

In the 1990’s I used to visit the apartment of my brother in law Paul Grimes on Broadway* near 76th Street. Looking down from the nineteenth floor onto the street, I remembered what I felt in 1948. So many things seem changed yet so much has remained the same. I had wondered then what the streets of Tel Aviv would look like.

I don’t think that I was eager to become an expatriate. In fact, I was altogether unaware of the implications of my American citizenship, perhaps because this was my first trip overseas. I would like to digress a bit about my problems with citizenship, before I forget. It is a bit of a story that you may have heard me tell before but it's a part of me. I learned from it to keep in mind that my American background follows me wherever I go and no matter how hard I try to assume another identity, I must remember where my roots* are.

From Seymour to Shlomo (55)

My problems with citizenship began in 1951, when our group of student Zionists was in training at kibbutz Bet HaShitta in the Jezreel* Valley. We had received several visits from the new settlers at Kibbutz Yiftach in the Upper Galilee, who were very interested in our coming to join them, instead of establishing a new kibbutz by ourselves.

They were mainly battle-hardened veterans of the Yiftach brigade of the Palmach, the elite striking force of the Haganah. The discharged soldiers had established their kibbutz in 1949 on a hilltop at the edge of the Naphtali hills, overlooking the Huleh Valley from the west. With Mount Hermon* just opposite, the scenery was wonderful but adjacent farmland was very limited.

Although the valley below had broad expanses to support field crops and for the breeding of carp* in fish ponds*, the number of members had now dwindled to one hundred or less. Furthermore, the young men and women of Yiftach had undergone training in different kibbutzim, some pro-Marxist and others anti-Marxist. This created a delicate social and political fabric which was very much strained by the cold war. The more responsible persons among the moderate anti-Marxists  were interested in a group such as ours with a declared non-political stand. Deep down inside, perhaps, they hoped that we Americans would stand behind them in an hour of internal crisis.

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The very fact that we were trainees* at the veteran kibbutz of Bet HaShitta was encouraging to them because, up until then, the society at Bet HaShitta was noted for its success in living together in harmony despite its sharp division into two rival ideological camps of equal strength. Yet even this large kibbutz did indeed split up later, in 1953. Here is an outline of the story of that split.

A very large anti-Marxist* minority supported the policies of Ben Gurion and the Labor Party and were tired of the majority's arbitrary pro-Soviet bias in politics and education. They therefore decided to transfer en masse to Ayelet HaShachar, a moderate kibbutz next to Gadot in the Upper Galilee. Some social circles were deeply divided and even veteran families were torn apart when the husband and wife found themselves on opposite sides of the ideological dispute.

In the meantime, our group got caught up in a heated national election campaign. Some radical party activists in the kibbutz ignored our pleas to leave us alone because we are non-political. Some in our group became convinced that we just have to vote for the Labor Party because it presented itself as a bastion* of liberalism, repelling the attacks of the extreme right and left. At the right was Menachem Begin and his Herut (Freedom) Party. At the left were the Israel Communist Party (Maki) and various radical Zionist Socialist splinter parties.

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The real dilemma was not how to vote but whether to vote at all. We knew that voting in foreign lands is not allowed but for us Israel was our home-land*, not a foreign land.

Another dilemma was about military service. I had been conscripted in 1951 together with my fellow student Zionists. At that time, the tour of duty was two years, not three as it became not long after. Several of us were wary* of the implications of serving outside the States and asked the induction officer not to compel us to swear allegiance* to Israel. He understood our dilemma. Only a few years before then, about 5,000 volunteers had come from foreign lands to fight in the War of Independence. Most, if not all, of them came illegally so the problem was not a new one.

The induction officer simply asked us to declare* that we would serve faithfully, obey orders and follow regulations. Many of us did not realize it then but our service in Israel was a gross violation of an American law. As it turned out later, this declaration of loyalty instead of an oath* of allegiance was a life saver. Some of our comrades got fed up with hard work and austerity and decided to pack up and go back home to America. Others had to travel back to help sick parents. One particular case stands out, that of Asher Oppenheimer, who came from a traditional family in Chicago and was already married at that time to Batya Stein.

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Asher Oppenheimer* and I became friends because he was worldly-wise and I enjoyed listening to his stories and learning from his knowledge about life, even though it was sometimes wrapped in cynicism*.

In 1951, we were doing basic training in adjacent bunks of a wooden hut in the Allenby* Barracks in central Jerusalem. (In a few years it would become a training center for police force cadets.) Suddenly, out of nowhere, he got sick and it was diagnosed as infantile paralysis. We knew that there was a polio epidemic raging in the country at that time but we never thought that it would affect young, strong people like us. There was no Salk vaccine at that time. A wave of fear swept through the barracks but not panic.

Asher was taken to the military hospital at Tel Litwinsky, now called Assaf* HaRofeh. Assaf was a famous Jewish doctor in the sixth century. I did not want to be a hero but I was determined to visit Asher in hospital. And so I did. After all, it just as easily could have been me. Maybe I was too immature to realize the dangers involved. Fortunately, I had no problem in entering the isolation ward and I was proud that I did not forget him or let him down. I lost track of Asher for many years but heard that he had gone back to the States to continue his rehabilitation and complete his education. His preservation of American citizenship facilitated this.

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In 1975 or thereabouts, Asher turned up at Elbit Computers of Haifa as the manager of some engineering department. I was working there at that time and was glad to see him again. He and his wife had become fully religious and his oldest son Gil (who had changed his family name from Oppenheimer to the Hebrew name of Ophir*) was on a settlement of orthodox Jews on the Golan Heights.

Gil was born at Yiftach in 1952, just a few days before or after our own first born daughter, Techia, and they had been together in the same infants' house while Asher and I were in the service. Asher now wore a truss* for back-support and still limped a little but otherwise he seemed to be in great shape. In November of 1985, however, three years after I had left Elbit, I heard that Asher had died from an attack of Hepatitis B.

Ruth and I have kept in touch with the widow and with her second husband, Max Guttman from Milwaukee*. Several years ago we attended the wedding of her younger son, Yoel, at the Hyatt Regency Hotel in Jerusalem. Men and women were strictly separated and learned rabbis sat at the presidium. We sometimes speak over the phone and even visited her once in the summer of 1998. We spent a pleasant evening over a fish meal. We send regards every Yom Kippur when Gil comes down from the Golan to serve as cantor at the synagogue services of Ayeleth HaShachar.

From Seymour to Shlomo (60)

Batya and Max stopped by at Gadot while on the way home from some family celebration on the Golan. Ruth and I served them refreshments and we had a pleasant conversation. But the talk faded away after a while. As I waved goodbye to them, I realized why we had run out of subjects to talk about. I noticed two large political stickers on their rear windshield. One of them advertised an illegal, pirate radio station called Channel Seven (Arutz Sheva*), run by the settlers on the West Bank. All day long it broadcasts right-wing invective and incitement against the peace process. The other sticker* said "Hebron, City of the Patriarchs*, From Here to Eternity".

Ruth and I are as politically distant from Max and Batya as day is from night. We are for the peace process and against forceful infiltration of Jews into an Arab city such as Hebron, just as we oppose the forceful infiltration of Arabs into a Jewish city. And we favor the banning of unlicensed radio stations because they seem to be interfering with traffic control at Ben Gurion airport. Furthermore, we have very little experience with windshield stickers. Our transport manager does not favor them and he is right. The only stickers that I have seen on Gadot cars are some slogans of the Labor Party and "Shalom, Chaver", meaning "Farewell*. Comrade", the famous tribute by Clinton to the late Prime Minister Rabin.

From Seymour to Shlomo (61)

Returning to the political situation in 1950, one central issue at that time was the outbreak of the war in Korea. After all, we were still American in spirit and identified with whatever our country did to protect its interests around the world. Since the Russian-led Communist International was a sworn enemy* of Zionism and Jewish traditions, we identified with the United Nations armed forces that had rushed to support the legal government in Seoul.

I suppose that President Harry Truman* still enjoyed the credit that he had inherited from his predecessor, Franklin D Roosevelt. Indeed, we did not see any fine distinctions between the Red invaders from North Korea, with the euphemistic* name of "agrarian reformers", and subversive Communist movements elsewhere.

But on the other hand, the local ideologues bombarded us with bitter attacks against the so-called American imperialists for starting a war of aggression far away from the American mainland. The leftists admitted that Russian and Chinese weapons had been supplied to the North. But they claimed that this was in response to American and British provocations in the form of weapons that had been previously supplied to prop up the corrupt regime of Syngman* Rhee in Seoul. In any case, we were told, the United Nations troops were the only foreign soldiers on Korean soil who were intervening in its internal affairs.

From Seymour to Shlomo (62)

This was before the Chinese forces entered Korea. The leftists claimed that the intervention of the United Nations would surely fail and cause chaos in the region by inciting radical insurgents in other countries to destabilize* all of southeast Asia. They started attacking their opponents on a wide front and seemed to be dragging up issues from nowhere. In economic and social affairs, they accused the moderates of distorting the kibbutz idea by always wanting to liberalize* the kibbutz economy and put the individual ahead of the collective.

The Korean War thus acted as a catalyst to bring to the boiling point many tensions and differences of opinion that had been simmering* under the surface for many years. It was a mosaic of old accounts waiting to be settled. The Korean war also personally affected one of our members, Benesh* Goldman from New York. He had anticipated that he would be drafted in the States, so he ran off to Canada and joined us from there. He was deathly afraid of any contact with an American consular official in Israel, not to reveal his military status.

It is interesting that throughout 1998, Kibbutz Gadot has had a wave of young volunteers, mostly students and jobless from South Korea. Of course they know about the Korean War only from history books and seem to be more worried about illegal monopolies, failing banks and devaluation* than about the constant military threat from the North.

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You can easily imagine how such a heated debate was like a time bomb in our midst. At that time, the living conditions in the kibbutz were still very primitive*. The dining hall was an old building with no proper entrance or lobby. Near the door was a simple bell*, that is, an old round heavy disk of metal, probably from a farm machine, installed within a simple framework, with an iron rod hanging next to it. They used to sound this bell to call the members to come and eat or to sound an alarm.

Clover* was an important food for the cows. We used to irrigate the clover by bringing in water through open ditches and then flooding it into beds of five meters in width. I learned to cut the clover with a scythe, rake it up into rows with a clumsy home-made rake, load it up onto platform-type wagons drawn by mules. Then we drove it for about one mile all the way home.

There we parked next to the cow barns and pitched the clover into the mangers* through wide openings in the concrete walls. The manure* was considered valuable. It was carefully preserved in a shallow trench by covering it on top and on the exposed side with old sacks that were carefully tamped down to encourage fermentation by pressing the air out and keeping it out.

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As said, we used to compact down the manure with paddles* to drive out the air and help it to ferment. We used wheelbarrows* to wheel-in the manure from nearby cow-sheds. To prevent the wheelbarrows from sinking into the soft manure, we laid down a pathway of wooden planks. Larger quantities of manure were loaded into small cars that rode on rails which had been "liberated" from the deserted railway line through the Jezreel Valley to Damascus*.

Furthermore, the trauma* of the Holocaust was still affecting people. A world-famous pianist and lecturer on music appreciation named Frank Pelleg* (Pollack) was a friend of the settlers and used to give concerts for them. One day he came to the dining hall of Bet HaShitta and brought an opera singer with him, Yosefa Shocken*. She  was a distant relative of Gershon Shocken, the editor and publisher of the respected daily paper, HaAretz.

After a few songs of general interest, Pelleg and Schocken began to present some artistic songs in German called Lieder*, by Schubert and Beethoven*. A strange hush came over the audience. Suddenly a woman cried out in amazement, pain, rage and insult. There were many German Jews in the kibbutz but I am not sure that she was one of them. Her throat was choked with emotion and she could hardly speak. "How can you bring into our home the cursed language and decadent culture of the German killers?  Have we not suffered enough from their racism?"

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The singer was dismayed and stopped singing. The pianist stopped playing and tried to calmly explain that the artistic songs of central Europe are the heritage of all cultured* people. It was the Nazis* who were the first to censor all romantic music and condemn the alleged degeneration of the sentiments of its composers. Their defeat enabled a return to the finer aspects of European culture. But it was to no avail. The protesters kept shouting that Europe can go to hell. It is dead and drenched in Jewish blood. They wanted no part of it. When the storm died down, the protesters walked out. 

The underlying political tension occasionally led to social friction, rumors, counter rumors*, secret midnight conferences, shouting matches and social friction here and there. I was reminded of the atmosphere of conspiracy at home towards the suitors of my sister.

The ideas of our group on Korea were oriented on America. They coincided with those of many moderate kibbutz members who belonged to the mainstream majority of Labor. To my regret, they were a minority in Beit HaShitta, albeit a large one. Our group accepted their claim that the radical leftist faction* of the Labor party and leftist splinter parties were more interested in applying Marxist principles than in facing the realities of Zionism, such as the massive immigration of destitute* people.

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Masses of illiterate* immigrants and broken Holocaust survivors were flooding into our country but our financial resources and infrastructure* had been severely depleted by the War of Independence. We lacked sufficient housing and had to set up tents and sheet metal huts in areas that still lacked proper roads. The only employment that we could offer was makeshift work, planting trees or repairing roads.

I clearly remember working with new immigrants from Morocco in 1953. We used to plant pine trees in a new Jewish National Fund forest located on the rocky ground between Gadot and the Jordan River. The cultivation of saplings* in nurseries* of the Jewish National Fund gave employment to several hundred immigrants around the nation.

We laid down long temporary water lines to irrigate the saplings before the rains came. The main lines were old metal pipes and the branch lines partly of rubber hoses. As a planter would get tired out from digging holes and hoeing*, we would put him onto watering the new trees, which was easier work. Laying the water lines was not easy because they would have to be woven in and out between large rocks and boulders. I recall that the military command was very interested in our work in afforestation, especially in the planting of tall eucalyptus* trees to conceal our roads and buildings. That is a story that deserves to be told.

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Among the pine trees were interspersed eucalyptus trees, imported from Australia* generations ago and acclimatized into Palestine. They grow up quickly and have a thick foliage which would conceal our village and its roads from the prying eyes of the Syrian soldiers across the Jordan. We knew that they are observing us all the time from their fortified positions through high-powered binoculars and telescopes. Gadot was truly in a sensitive spot and that affected our lives directly.

In 1948, the Syrians had crossed the Jordan in force and captured salients* in three regions: Tel Dan near the sources of the Jordan,  the Daughters of Jacob Bridge (near Mishmar HaYarden, the Gadot of today) and Tel Katzir* at the south-eastern shore of the Kinneret (Sea of Galilee). Their tanks and armored vehicles easily streamed down the mountainside and overran the old private farming village of Mishmar HaYarden (Guardian of the Jordan). Under the pretext of clearing fields of fire, they dismantled stone by stone all of the dozens of homes along the main road to Rosh Pinna.

There is a small memorial park at the site, not far from the entrance to Gadot, opposite the small outpost of military police. There are picnic benches, a water faucet*, a reconstruction of a stone homestead* made from its scattered stone building blocks, and a memorial sign. The sign shows the layout of the forty-five or so original houses, with all the familiar Jewish names.

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Those farmers who did not manage to flee were either murdered on the spot or were taken prisoner and carried off to Damascus by the Syrians. The farmers were betrayed by their Arab workers, who knew all the ins and outs of the village, including the hiding places of people and weapons in caves and cellars*.

The memorial park also has a prominent monument in the traditional style, that is, a heap of stones, with a plaque showing the names of the twenty or so volunteers from the region who rushed to the defense of the village but in vain. They were mostly from the Hagana official defence force and this is reflected in the usual Jewish names of Eastern Europe, such as those of the farmers. But some victims were Betar militiamen, that is, fighters who followed Begin and not Ben Gurion. This is reflected in the numerous Sephardic, Yemenite and Iraqi family names such as Shar'abi*, Menashe*, and Ovadiah*. Unlike the farmers, many of the fallen fighters were sabras, native-born in Palestine.

One of our members who recently passed away (in 1996) was Uri Geffen*, a veteran of the Yiftach brigade in the 1948 war. He decided to volunteer to keep in touch with the refugees from Mishmar HaYarden. He would invite them from time to time to address a festive reunion to tell us, their inheritors, about their trials and tribulations. It was easy to keep in touch with them because they somehow kept together and most of them live in Netanya, just north of Tel Aviv.

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As I listen to their stories about how they remember their village, I cannot help thinking of the thousands of Arab villagers who hold on to their own memories. I wonder why their feelings are considered less legitimate* than ours. Of course, the uprooted Jews are no longer farmers and they know that Gadot has taken over their land. So they do not long to return, but their attachment to their heritage is impressive.

Apropos of refugees, I cannot forget two instances of Jews insisting that they value their memories and will not easily give them up. I remember bus line number 9, which used to run from the center of town up to the Hebrew University on Mount Scopus through the Arab neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrakh. It had been started by the old HaMekasher* (the Connector) transport cooperative in Jerusalem, which has since merged with Egged, the national bus transport cooperative.

When the Old City was captured by the Jordanians in 1948, the line was of course discontinued. The number 9 was not re-assigned to another line but rather set aside, with the hope of restoration in the future. This resembles the fate of the shirt-numbers of some famous, respected sports stars that are put out to pasture* and retired, so to speak, when the player retires. If and when some day Mount Scopus would be liberated, then bus line number 9 would be restored. And so it came to pass in 1967.

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Another instance was an interview that I heard many years ago on the radio. A modern orthodox pioneer was talking about his forced exile from the Etzion* bloc of four religious kibbutzim, located south-west of Jerusalem, when they fell to the Jordanians in 1948 after a siege and a brave defense.

I heard this refugee insist that his real home is not the house in which he now resides in Yaffo*, in Tel Aviv South. He prayed daily to return to his real home in kibbutz Kefar Etzion, which he could view only from afar, standing on a hilltop near the border. He had saved all his old photographs and souvenirs so that all his family, young and old, would never forget their origins and where they belong.

This radio interview stuck in my mind because I compared these feelings of Jewish yearnings to similar longings among the Arabs for their destroyed or dispossessed villages. I am not sure what the political conclusions are, but the longing for the homeland of your youth seems to be an integral part of human nature*.

The subject of refugees brings me back to the refugees from the destroyed village of Mishmar HaYarden. The farmers there had a long history of difficulties and obstacles. It all started in 1882*, when Baron de Rothschild of France helped to establish Mishmar HaYarden and several other farming settlements in Palestine.

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The original pioneers from Romania were joined by a group from Safad. These were reinforced from time to time by newcomers from the Betar movement. The farmers had little knowledge of the land and were harassed by Turkish* authorities. The representatives of the Baron held the purse-strings* and gave gratuitous advice that was based on European conditions, not on those of our region. The First World War created havoc and chaos, with Turkish, British and French armies marching alternately over the strategic bridge across the Jordan River nearby. These ups and downs weakened the farm economy and finally the settlers lost their will to resist.

As said, the Syrians razed* the village to the ground, with the excuse that the stone houses along the main road could provide cover for infiltrators and guerrillas. The Syrian tanks even advanced up the hill for several more miles, threatening to cut off the Upper Galilee, before they were stopped at the ruins of Yarda, the site of Moshav Mishmar HaYarden today. At the armistice negotiations at Rhodes in 1949, they agreed to evacuate the occupied territory and retreat across the Jordan. But the triangle* of conquered area must become a demilitarized zone. As sometimes happens in our own days, the two sides did not define properly what demilitarized* means. We regarded it as a civilian Israeli area devoid of troops, outposts, and weapons. But the Syrians insisted that a demilitarized zone is an unoccupied No Man's Land, without soldiers or civilians or houses. 

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In Syrian eyes, therefore, every Israeli in the area, every pistol* for self-defence, every house is illegal and a legitimate* target for attack. Only Israeli civilian police would be permitted to enter. So they kept their eyes on us and would complain to the United Nations from time to time about our settlement activities.

When the UN inspectors* came around for a visit, we would make very careful preparations and dress up a few settlers as policemen. We wanted to convince them that we have no heavy weapons in our armory, only some old rusty rifles* against marauders and thieves. That was easy to do because it was the real situation.

Of course, we did not give them a guided* tour of our network of bunkers*, air raid shelters, communications and interconnecting trenches. Any information gathered by a United Nations observer, even one from a neutral or friendly country, was in immediate danger of finding its way hostile parties.

That is, from the Security Council to the Soviet Union* and to its Arab allies. But the UN observers were not dummies and I am sure that they saw everything. In any case, our defensive network was not half as intricate and sophisticated as the one that we discovered across the river in 1967 when the Syrians fled.

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The Syrians would occasionally punctuate their territorial claims by opening fire on our wooden huts. They also sniped  at our tractors plowing plots of land on the Jordan-banks that had belonged to the devastated village. Officially, they claimed that the ownership of the riverside* plots was in doubt and we had no right to cultivate. This was confirmed some years later by a local military commander named Zvi Rassky*, later the mayor of nearby Rosh Pinna.

Rassky had come to lecture on the current situation. He stated that the plots of land on the river banks were owned by  local Arabs, local Jews, absentee* Arabs in Beirut and Damascus,  European Jews who had contributed to buy land, and other landlords. Arbitration of claims was needed in any case, but  given the enmity between Israel and Syria, it was catch as catch can, that is, everyone for himself.

During one of many sniper attacks, Raya Krollik* Goldschmidt, was killed in 1955. She was our nurse and had only just been married to Yankele Goldschmidt, who was among the founders of Kibbutz Yiftach. After many incidents, Raya was trained to run to the wooden hut of the dining hall to warn the members to take cover. During one attack, Raya began to run towards the dining hall but on the way she was hit by a bullet in the thigh that caused a major internal hemorrhage.

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After that, we decided to move the center of our kibbutz away from the Jordan and erect a high embankment* of earth to protect our buildings and people. The old idea of living near the Jordan to safeguard Jewish rights had become superfluous and dangerous. We also decided to give up attempts to go out with cattle and sheep to graze in the rich grass near the river. This was an economic loss but the lives of our shepherds and cowherds were too valuable. The old garage and sheep pens were abandoned but one old cow-shed was converted for raising calves. A large shell-hole in the old cow barn is still visible on the east wall.

The ban on grazing directly affected Ruth and me, because our job was to take the milking cows out almost daily. It was not pleasant to go chasing after cows right under the eyes of Syrian soldiers. Once a cow ran off and approached the barrier leading to the Syrian side. Our border guards came out to retrieve the stray* cow.

Taking cows out to pasture is now gone forever because it is more economical to feed them at home with fresh hay and silage. The silage is made from grasses that are compacted to remove the air and anaerobic bacteria* can ferment them. In other countries, these grasses are sucked into a high silo where the weight presses the air out. In our country, the grasses are laid out into a long trench and compacted by tractors and covered by heavy tires over sheets of canvas.

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Yet we could not give up so easily about plowing land. We gradually equipped our field workers with bullet-proof cabins, walkie-talkies* etc. Patrols of Border Police would regularly ride along a security road parallel to the Jordan banks to establish Israeli presence there and accompany the field workers. These patrols were very often attacked and got trapped between the crossfire from two Syrian pillboxes and had to be rescued by another patrol or by supporting fire from mortars.

I can hear this crossfire* until this very day. The Syrians were entrenched at two emplacements, Murtafa* and Durijat*. The Murtafa outpost was opposite the Jordan bridge and when they opened fire straight ahead at the Border Police post, the bullets would sound like phiz-phiz-phiz. When they opened fire to the northwest at tractors working along the Jordan, their fire sounded like bim-bim-bam or crack-crack-crack.

The Durijat outpost was a bit further north, just opposite our fields, and they aimed straight ahead at our tractors. I became an expert in identifying the lines of fire because the machine guns made me lose many hours of rest: bam-bam-bam-bam without an echo and then takh-takh-takh, echoing from the hills all around. Once I was working in the citrus groves about half a mile from the Jordan. The Syrians opened up suddenly with mortar fire in our direction.

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I left my work and took cover behind a nearby high mound. From time to time I stood up up to see what was going on. It was a bit risky but I saw that the explosions were far away, close to the river banks. Of course I was trapped* and had to stay put until the incident was over and I could resume work. To this day I cannot remember what all the shooting was about, but that was typical of those days. This situation was more or less tolerable until the Syrians broke the rules of the game in 1958. Until then, it was understood that only small arms fire would be used, but in response to a tractor incident, they bombarded Gadot and nearby Hulata with mortar fire, causing one death and enormous damage to buildings, electric lines, sewage and other infrastructure.

In early 1967 the Syrians broke another rule. They bombarded Gadot in response to an incident in another sector altogether. Until then, it had been tacitly agreed that a dispute over a specific plot of land could provoke local shooting only. There-fore, an incident in one of the three demilitarized zones would not be a pretext to open fire over a wide front. All fighting would be confined to the local sector. All in all, this nightmare of unending conflict* went on for many years and we could return to normal life only when the Golan Heights were liberated* in 1967.

From Seymour to Shlomo (77)

This was the general atmosphere in 1953, when we arrived at Gadot after the political split at Yiftach*. We missed Yiftach because it was comparatively calm area there in the hills, near Lebanon. But when our group of left-Socialist* faithful decided to leave Yiftach, we thought that we were strong enough to found a new kibbutz at Dishon, just below Yiftach. But feelings of weakness and despair prevailed and we thought of just falling into place in a normal society at an old kibbutz.

All the bigwigs of the Kibbutz Meuchad*, to whom we were loyal, paid attention to our distress. They rushed down to meet us at kibbutz Hulata and talk about our future. The great ideologue of our movement, Yitzhak Tabenkin*, urged us not to give in to weakness and despair and accept the challenge of reinforcing HaGovrim* (the original name of Gadot), a small kibbutz fighting for its life on the ruins of moshava Mishmar HaYarden.

I remember that we had to be aware of dangers while planting pine trees on the rocky land between Gadot and the Jordan. I am not sure that the new immigrants from Morocco were aware of the security situation, but perhaps it was for the best. I remember them for their modest and frugal lifestyle, especially those from the poor villages in the Atlas Mountains and from poor neighborhoods in Fez*, Mekhnes*, Rabat* and Casablanca*. They would work hard all day, subsisting on a few slices of bread and some vegetables only.

From Seymour to Shlomo (78)

The Moroccans were outdoor-wise*, so to speak, in that they knew how to hunt around for all sorts of grasses for making a salad and herbs to put into their tea. I became their friend and a friend of the pine trees as well. Many years ago I took two saplings home and they are still growing beside my house, tall and sturdy. They add shade, beauty and memories to our landscape.

Furthermore, the Moroccan Jews were not ashamed of their lifestyle and their country of origin. One elderly immigrant kept mumbling what sounded like "Binnie-Melah*", "Binnie Melah". He knew no French, English or Hebrew, only Arabic, so we could communicate by body language only. I knew that "Mellah" is the Moroccan Arabic word for a closed Jewish quarter, so I assumed that he was talking about his home town.

Many years later I closely examined a map of Morocco and found a tourist site in the mountains named "Beni-Mella", with a drawing of waterfalls. It said that the place is most beautiful and famous for its bottled mineral water from local springs. Tourists come from all over Europe to visit the waterfalls. No wonder then, that my friend was so upset about having to leave the place. ---------- Another character was Cohen*. No one seemed to know his first name and everyone called him just Cohen. When the forest of pine trees was all planted, Cohen went on to work as a hired hand at Gadot for many years. His sons opened up a furniture store at nearby Hatzor.

From Seymour to Shlomo (79)

Cohen shared the hardships of his fellow immigrants but he kept the religious laws, was delighted to live in the holy land and was consoled by the continued functioning of his community in Tunisia. Cohen was born in the off-shore island of Djerba*, where Jews had lived for centuries. Cohen claimed that the gates to the Jewish section would be closed at night and no Moslem would be allowed inside. I argued, half jokingly, that no Jew could leave at night. He shook his head, saying, "What is there to do outside? We are just a small island. All our life is in the Jewish community, anyway." I think that he liked me because he used to call me “Doctor” or “Professor*”.

Last but not least, I also remember Jacques*, who was unlike the other Jews. He was short, stubby, smooth-shaven and obviously not from a village and not used to manual labor. He came to work dressed like a Frenchman, complete with beret, as if he had been uprooted and trans-planted directly from an urban business district. Like the others, he was bewildered and mumbled a mantra*, but in Hebrew, "AYN se-cho-RA, AYN se-cho-RA." (ch as in Bach) AYN means "There isn't any...." and se-cho-RA means "merchandise". I understood from his words and sighs that he could not see how life could go on without goods to buy and sell. He did not want to be hoeing all day and get paid a measly wage. I can understand his predicament because I also had trouble in doing physical work at first.

From Seymour to Shlomo (80)

By the way, If you remember Yiddish, then there too the same  word for merchandise was used. It was pronounced "s'CHOI-reh" in Lithuania or "s'CHAY-re" in Galicia (south-east Poland).

Of course, the new immigrants were still not aware of the political storm that was still brewing all around them. In the quiet political atmosphere of HaGovrim, it was hard to imagine the trauma that we had just experienced at Yiftach. The moderates in the kibbutz movement claimed that the Marxist members had always regarded Zionism as an instrument* to implement* socialism and not the other way around.

Furthermore, the hard-liners* had always wanted to make the kibbutz economy more rigid by emphasizing the priority of the collective over its individuals. In other words, both sides were using the Cold War as a pretext to cover their true intentions. If so, then we were in the midst* of a real battle*.

Powerful political groups outside the kibbutz were marshalling their forces to capture our sympathies. For the kibbutz to survive, its members must look to one another not only for basic necessities but also to reach a consensus* about basic issues. Yet everyone was looking elsewhere and cynical politicians outside seemed to be pulling all the strings.

From Seymour to Shlomo (81)

I remember that our group was invited to an ideological seminar* run by the kibbutz movement at a central study center near Tel Aviv. Of course, such seminars are now a thing of the past, because there is neither a sufficient budget nor enough interest in exploring the kibbutz idea. But that was 1950 and the kibbutz leaders were perplexed*. On the one hand, most of the immigrants were not turning to kibbutz life. Many of them had been in concentration camps and wanted to start anew in a home of their own. Others had been refugees in Soviet Russia and had seen the oppression in the collective farms there.

In general, the co-op way of life ran against the grain of the Jewish traditions of being middlemen, trading in wines, collecting taxes for the nobles, running rural inns, and learning Torah. Despite all these obstacles, the kibbutz was absorbing masses of new people (like me), who were attracted to co-op living but had only a vague idea of the annals* of the kibbutz movement. One difficulty was that the kibbutz is a human phenomenon and no ideology has a copyright on it. You can view it from many angles. The living proof is the composition of any kibbutz society. You have optimism and pessimism, cynicism and faith, hope and despair. The average kibbutz member may favor one or more philosophies* that determine his approach to cooperative living. Under certain circumstances, this diversity may cause controversy and conflict.

From Seymour to Shlomo (82)

Here are some of the approaches to the kibbutz way of life: The list of motives is endless.

 

* Marxist-style political Communism, not Capitalism.

* non-political, non-Marxist Communes, not Marxist politics

* liberal, democratic socialism, not Marxism

* direct democracy, not hierarchic authority.

* autonomous federations, not a central authority.

* a return to nature, not urban cement and concrete.

* the nuclear family, not divorce and single parents.

* hard physical work, not middle class, white-collar jobs

* land conservation, recycling, not pollution and waste.

* a return to Jewish roots, not assimilation.

* living by the Prophets, not just synagogue prayers.

* loose, flexible structures, not rigid strata in society

* self-discipline* and mutual trust, not police and courts.

From Seymour to Shlomo (83)

Because of the diverse motives of the kibbutz members, I could not possibly have had a clear idea of what to expect at this ideological seminar. We heard many lectures but it was not all intellectual. We had a great time socializing with other new immigrants over campfires and learning folk dances. The lectures covered many subjects, such as history, geography, economics, social science, and Hebrew grammar. I was delighted to discover that all my efforts to master Hebrew were finally paying dividends* and I could under-stand almost all that was said. I even found myself taking lecture notes in Hebrew, to assimilate* the language even better.

Fifty years have passed and most of the lecturers are probably gone by now. They were usually veteran pioneers of the oldest kibbutzim, such as Ein Harod in the Jezreel Valley and Degania near the Sea of Galilee. We studied the history of the kibbutz settlements, with links to the geography, flora and fauna of the Holy Land and the political situation under Turkish rule. We read about the history of the communal idea, with links to Marx, Ber Borochov*, and other social reformers and philosophers, We also heard about Hebrew poets and story-tellers, such as Haim Nachman Bialik, Yosef Haim Brenner and Shai Agnon. I especially remember Yaacov Eshed*, a small elderly gentleman who spoke very slowly with a heavy Polish accent. He had apparently taken the Hebrew name of Eshed (a large waterfall) because his original name had something to do with water in Yiddish.

From Seymour to Shlomo (84)

I had a warm feeling for Eshed because his wife Frumka* had given us Hebrew lessons at a training farm in America while they were emissaries to the youth movement of Dror-Hechalutz HaTzair (Young Pioneers). Frumka was much warmer than her husband. Her appearance and motherly personality reminded me of my late mother Fanny*, but sadly she had no children. Eshed was cooler than his wife, but was a veritable fountainhead of information about the history of the kibbutz movement.

He was full of enthusiasm and paced the room; he just could not sit in one place. He must have felt that his walking was a distraction, or perhaps he got tired, so he would sometimes stop to lean on the back of his chair. He spoke freely and fluently in learned Hebrew, slipping into the Ashkenazi accent of his youth from time to time.  I learned many new Hebrew words from him but more than that I learned that settlement of the land in general and the kibbutz community in particular have deep roots in the needs and yearnings of the Jews for national liberation and Zionist action.

Another lecturer was Shalom Friedman. He was fairly tall, solidly built with a square face, hair turning white and a very dignified appearance. He analyzed a story by the Nobel-laureate Shai Agnon* about a woman of Jerusalem named Tehilla (Glory) who moved around to, from and within the city, as part of the drama. I do not remember the plot exactly and would have to re-read the story.

From Seymour to Shlomo (85)

Friedman compared her name to a word that sounded similar, TAW-haw-la, based on the root heh-vav-lamed and associated with rousting about, making merry. Our assignment was to read the story in full as homework*, but I never finished it because my reading was so slow that I gave up.

However, I did learn two lessons. One was that the Hebrew language is very rich in levels of meaning. It is easy to use the words and manipulate them for any purpose under the sun. That was exactly why I could not read Agnon's story quickly. He was a master wordsmith* who could call up quotations and allusions to Bible, Talmud and Jewish traditions with which I was not familiar.

Another lesson was that the kibbutz puts much emphasis on literature* in general and Hebrew literature in particular. I sensed again that we are The People of the Book and that a part of our cultural baggage is from our contacts with Russian and rabbinic literature. To assimilate into Hebrew culture, I have to become a serious reader. Of course, this was before the age of television.

The month-long seminar also included occasional sessions which resembled modern workshops or symposia. They were informal discussion groups and considered as less important as lectures. This seemed to be a reflection of European academic traditions.

From Seymour to Shlomo (86)

I know of only one exception to the tradition of formal lectures without feedback, the system at Oxford* and Cambridge*, where students also work with personal tutors. I remember an  incident in 1954, at a refresher course for English teachers at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem. The speaker one day was Robert Friend, an English-Israeli* poet, who invited comments from the students about a poem that he had just read. He explained that feedback was important for him in making contact with the listeners.

I regarded this request as perfectly reasonable and normal, but one of the paricipants, a Czech-born* English teacher, did not agree. My European colleague stood up and protested vehemently. "Pardon me, sir, but we did not come here to listen to one another. We came here to hear your lecture and to learn from you. If we wish to discuss poetry, we can do so later on at the student cafeteria or in the dormitory on our own time." He seemed to feel that he was the spokesman for a group because he used the pronoun "we", not "I".

Back at the ideological seminar, I will not accuse the kibbutz lecturers of misleading or brain-washing* us, but they did manage to excite us with a clear message that we were pioneers in an unstoppable world movement towards freedom and equality. We should feel like soldiers in a struggle to free the Jewish people from its historical role of a parasitic middleman.

From Seymour to Shlomo (87)

We need to create a healthy economic and social basis for solidarity* with oppressed people everywhere. As I write these words, I feel an uplift* in spirit. I return to those days and revisit the classrooms where we heard those stirring messages of hope. To my regret, I did not realize then how much I was beginning to identify with that world-outlook.

It seemed to me then that I was joining the mainstream of kibbutz society and thus fully integrating into Israeli life. But this was only an illusion. I did not realize how far this identification had an opposite effect. I had abandoned Jewish traditions and entered the fringes* of society in the kibbutz and in Israel. I was blinded by my apparent position in the vanguard* of a great awakening.

Only later did I realize that my new gurus were just as petty and sectarian* as any other political faction and their hatred for Ben Gurion was leading them over the brink into the abyss of political oblivion. I myself instinctively disliked Ben Gurion, because of his pompous* poses, his overbearing personality, his inability to cooperate with colleagues and his willingness to be the subject of a cult of worshippers. But I could not hate him because after all he was the founder of the state and the leader of a labor party.

From Seymour to Shlomo (88)

Yet my new mentors regarded Ben Gurion as more dangerous than bourgeois capitalists, because he masqueraded as a socialist in order to demolish its principles and split up its followers. As proof of this, they often quoted from his book, “From A Working Class to A Nation.” This reminds me of our ultraorthodox* rabbis, who regard Conservative and Reform Jews as more dangerous than atheists*, because they are seen to be masquerading* as religious people in order to demolish Jewish law from within and split up the faithful.

Thus I accepted the argument that the intervention of the United Nations in the Korean War was a crime, the purpose of which was to block the wheels of progress. I had been swept up into a heated debate not only about events that were happening at home but also those taking place somewhere out there in Southeast* Asia. They were different threads in the same fabric.

Some kibbutz politicians asked me to become politically active in our student Zionist group, but I backed away. We had pledged to keep our group non-political* and I thought that I must not betray that pledge. It was enough that I myself had decided to vote for the left in the coming elections. I did not want to influence others. In addition, I was not yet mature* enough then to explain political positions that were quite foreign to our students.

From Seymour to Shlomo (89)

Indeed, we had made a revolution in our lives because we found various degrees of fault in the American way of life. But we remained with the education and political principles that we had received in the United States. Freedom and equality? Certainly yes. But a struggle without compromise for the sake of a world revolution? The skeptical* answer would be, "All right, what else is new?"

So I voted in the national elections of 1952. I do not remember whether it was on a ballot* at an army base or whether I received a pass to travel home to Bet HaShitta. There was no foolproof* method to control the voting register then and the clerk at the voting booth simply punched a hole in my identity card and stamped it, to ensure that I do not try to vote twice. I had done my civic* duty but I had broken an American law.

Until 1956, life went on as usual despite my illegal vote. My troubles began in 1956, when my father Harry* of blessed memory, passed away. I received the news by telegram* from my sister Jeanne. My father had been a pleasant person and treated me with warmth, perhaps because I was his youngest child, born late in life. I loved him very much. I used to sneak up behind him while he was reading the newspaper and give him big hugs. Even then, I suppose, I acted out my inclination to play the role of teddy-bear.

From Seymour to Shlomo (90)

He seemed glad to take a short break from his newspaper. He used to buy The New York Times to improve his English because his mother tongue was Yiddish. The lighting in our apartment was poor and he sat by the living-room* window to get the light from the open courtyard* between tenement* buildings. The windows facing the street had no room for chairs because the double bed was right next to the windows.

As I recall, he never wore glasses of any kind. Only lately has my sister begun to wear glasses for reading. My late brother Saul also never wore glasses. I think that I would have continued without glasses*, had I not been hurt in the eye in 1967 by a small stone, but that is another story.

I thought with nostalgia* of how my late father used to make fun of the Jews of south-east Poland, who come from the Galicia area. Like his countrymen, he used to call them "Galitzianers" in Yiddish and I understood that those people were shrewd* businessmen who dressed funny and had no real culture to speak of. I remember those epithets to this very day. They were not meant to be mean, vicious*, hateful* or contemptuous but rather satirical* and comical*, with good humor. However, I have not internalized these generalizations. Perhaps they rubbed against my grain, since I had never met any Galizianers and if I had, I could not have recognized them.

From Seymour to Shlomo (91)

As said, the derogatory remarks about Galizianer rubbed against my grain, since I had never met any and if I had, I could not have recognized them according to their description in the folkore*. Why did my father make fun of these people? He was apparently proud of the closeness of his White Russian home town of Grodno to Vilna and Lithuania. He regarded himself as a Litvak* (Lithuanian Jew) who could never identify with the mysticism and apocalyptic calculations of the Hassidim in the Polish and Ukrainian heartland.

In 1996, I made the acquaintance of a Holocaust survivor named Henry Armin Herzog, who survived the ghetto of Cracow and later fled to Slovakia to fight with the Russian partisans in the forests and the high mountains. That is another story, except that Henry taught me several interesting things about Galician Jews, of whom he is one.

Parts of Galicia were once annexed to the Austro-Hungarian Empire and were a center of German culture. In fact, Henry's father, Emil Herzog, fought for the Austrians on the Balkan front in the First World War. Furthermore, the Jewish community in Cracow and the villages all around had a proud history and had produced musicians, scientists, doctors, rabbis and so on, despite constant persecution by the church.

From Seymour to Shlomo (92)

The conclusion is that it is too easy to accept stereotypes* of other ethnic groups, even in Israel. Sometimes people look at me and cannot believe that I was born in the States. Apparently I do not act American enough, whatever that is, for their expectations. But when I open my mouth, my accent gives me away..

I felt a heavy load of shock and guilt over having left my father all alone for seven years. He had left me an inheritance of a few thousand dollars through a benevolent fund of the Workmen's Circle (Arbeiter* Ring in Yiddish). This was sponsored by the Jewish Bund* of Polish Jewry.

The Jewish Bund had advocated cultural autonomy in the diaspora, led by the Jewish workers as a substitute for Zionism. My father was not involved in this ideology but rather wanted the social benefits and to keep in touch with his old country-men from Europe (landesmann* in Yiddish).

I remember that he used to get mail from the Suwalki-Wilkowisk* Branch. I could not square this with the fact that he repeatedly stated that he came from Grodno in Belarus, until I discovered that Suwalki and Wilkowisk are satellite towns of Grodno, which once had a very large Jewish community that comprised one third of the population.

From Seymour to Shlomo (93)

My father had indeed left a few thousand dollars as an inheritance. But there was a fly in the ointment* because he had cut my sister out completely and did not leave her a single cent. In effect, the inheritance was for me only. This upset me and made me very unhappy. I thought it was very unfair, considering how my sister had cared for father in his last years. He was apparently still very angry about her choice of a husband. Jeanne needed the money more than I did for her household, so I began to think seriously about letting her have all my inheritance or at least half. 

Later on, this got me into trouble with the Israeli authorities, who threatened legal action against me. The law stated that an Israeli citizen may not hold foreign money overseas or give away his foreign currency* to someone else. I suppose that our authorities had got wind of the inheritance through opening my letters.

Censorship* of mail and telegrams was common in those days when Israel was in a state of austerity and needed all the dollars it could lay its hands on. Or maybe the American consulate had been requested to report such inheritances to the Ministry of Finance. As far as I know, inheritances no longer interest our government officials. It may be that they consider it to be small change, considering all the massive aid that we get from the States and all the massive contributions from the United Jewish Appeal.

From Seymour to Shlomo (94)

In fact, even the kibbutz does not show much interest in inherited money anymore. By rights, of course, all inherited money should be contributed to our general treasury. This is just an extension of our principle to submit all monies earned. In daily life, we live in a small community and ev1eryone seems to know who has inherited money and just about how much. But the subject is discreetly avoided, as long as the inheritor does not radically become an eyesore* by changing his lifestyle to a level that is over and above the average standard of living.

I think that the turning point was the agreement with Germany to accept reparations for Holocaust victims. Some of the money went to Israeli institutions of remembrance but much of it I think went to individual survivors. In the case of kibbutz members, many of them were in bad physical and mental shape and the kibbutz needed the money to care for their special needs.

But some individuals refused to hand over their reparations payments to the kibbutz. Maybe they lacked faith in the future of the kibbutz. Maybe they desired to help children who had left, or possibly regarded it as a matter of principle because the money was not real income but rather a return of plundered property. I have no right to judge their motives because I have never been in their shoes*.

From Seymour to Shlomo (95)

But the net effect of this refusal was a certain weakening in the fabric of kibbutz society. Not a tear in the fabric, just a rip. This slight rip was destined to become wider with the years and it became more and more difficult to return to full cooperation.

Let me go back to my protest about the unfair inheritance. There was an exchange of letters with the authorities and I was even inter-rogated at a local police station. The detective was sympathetic but pressed me real hard. I consulted with the kibbutz secretary about my predicament. He was sympathetic and directed me to a very fine lawyer named Yitzhak Shevoh, a respected Sephardic liberal who was retained as a legal advisor of the national kibbutz organization at that time.

I visited his office in Tel Aviv to discuss my problem and he gave me a clear explanation of the legal position. Although he could not find any loopholes in the law, he did consent to represent me at a court hearing. He advised me to plead guilty as charged and request special consideration due to hardship in the family. The lawyer hinted to me that my being a pioneer at a border settlement and an American immigrant may work in my favor.

So I pleaded guilty and explained my need to renounce a part of the inheritance. The judge denied my request and I had no alternative except to throw in the towel, to give in and obey the law in full. Then I transferred all the money to Israel and converted it into Israeli currency.

From Seymour to Shlomo (96)

When I produced proof of the transfer, the prosecutor closed. the case. Somehow, I later did help my sister with goods and services. I thought that cutting her out like that was an indecent outrage*. Some friends called it a noble act, but to me it was just elementary justice, In any case, it cemented my relationship with my sister.

This incident was a turning point in my relations with the police. I was dismayed by their inflexibility* and crude methods. Some of my innocence went down the drain. Since then, I confine my contacts with them only to anonymously reporting severe traffic violations that endanger me. On the roads, I ignore the traffic cops. Their job is to find the lawbreakers, that is drunks, maniac speedsters and so on. My job is to drive safely and in a defensive manner.

My disenchantment* with our police was reinforced by a run-in that I had with them in 1978, when they charged me with a criminal offence of owning a pistol without a license. That is another story, but I'll tell it. In the late 1970's, a series of terrorist attacks swept me up in the wave of acquiring pistols for self defense. I was then working at Elbit Computers in Haifa and turned to Ziniuk and Michelin, an established, family-owned sporting goods store. It was located on the main road in downtown Haifa, Derekh HaAtzmaut (Independ-ence Road, formerly the Kingsway).

From Seymour to Shlomo (97)

This is the main road into town that passes the entrance to Haifa port. It was convenient because the company bus that took me to my rented room after work went through that area. I used to visit the nearby offices of the Israel Discount Bank, where I had bought several Voluntary War Loan bonds with pocket money saved from my allowance for daily expenses working outside Gadot.

I entered the store and the clerk showed me his selection of pistols. There were models like Beretta that used nine-millimeter bullets, like the ones for the Uzi submachine gun. The bullets are relatively cheap but the pistol itself was too expensive for me. Other models used a cheap, small-caliber. 0.22 inch bullet, popularly known as the two-two, but I did not trust its ability to stop an attacker. So in the end I bought the cheapest pistol for 500 liras, made in communist Czechoslovakia.

It was not a complete bargain, because it used bullets of 7.65 millimeter caliber, which are relatively expensive. Nevertheless, I asked myself, "How much do I really use the bullets, except for some mandatory target practice once a year?" At that time, ranges for shooting practice were not as common as they are now. The closest shooting range to Gadot that I knew of was in Haifa. Also, getting a license was done through the Ministry of the Interior in Safad, where they check out your police records.

From Seymour to Shlomo (98)

By the way, you can practice and renew your license nowadays at an old granite pit in nearby Ayelet HaShachar. Well, I had no problems with the pistol and took care of it regularly. My problems began in 1976, when I moved to Pardess Hanna in order to facilitate the contact with our handicapped son for the sake of working with him on neurological exercises. The kibbutz had provided us with a used Renault commercial van and Ruth and I would travel home to Gadot once every three weeks.

At Gadot, we picked up our mail and laundry. As I recall, I would tuck our mail into a special envelope and read it later on, when I got back to Pardess Hanna. Somehow or other, I misplaced a warning from the authorities that I have to renew my license for the weapon. I looked and looked and when I finally found it, I was delayed for a week or so by some other matters.

Two weeks or so overdue, I contacted the Ministry of the Interior and offered to pay the renewal fee but they refused to accept it. I was stunned because I had been late in other payments and considered this normal. They also summoned me to report at the police station. The desk sergeant immediately confiscated the weapon and in her gravelly voice informed me, "You are no longer the owner of this pistol, sir." I was directed to a detective in an interrogation room and I told him my version of the incident.

From Seymour to Shlomo (99)

He insisted that I sign a statement about possessing an illegal weapon. I strongly protested, saying that I was a temporary resident of Pardess Hannah and the official mail of the Ministry of the Interior reaches me only at Gadot, my permanent address far away. I pleaded that he take into consideration my special circumstances, accept my mix-up is reasonable, especially since my record is clean, my life-style is positive and so on. It was all in vain and brushed aside. He would not listen or react. In the end, I signed what amounted to a confession of guilt. 

It reminded me of the refusal of the judge to consider any special circumstances of my inheritance. Well, I had committed a criminal offence by not paying the license fee for a weapon on time and that was that. Under protest, I signed a declaration that I has possessed a weapon illegally. A few months later I was tried by a circuit judge who fined me about 100 lira (not much) and warned me that she was being lenient and that the next time around I could expect worse.

I keep reflecting on what I had done wrong. All in all, I should have kept better track of the expiration date of my license and reported to the police when the date expired. Nevertheless, if the police were so insensitive and inflexible towards a law-abiding citizen like me, then how must they treat the others? Well, I was finally allowed to renew the license and I got the pistol back.

From Seymour to Shlomo (100)

However, I was so upset that I started to pay the license fee much ahead of time and decided to sell it as soon as possible. And so I did in 1996, to one of our members. Of course I asked for a ridiculously low price because I was glad to get rid of it. It had never helped me survive anyway. However, I do regret that I sold two holsters with the pistol. Too late, I discovered that a holster is an excellent sheath for a pair of pruning clippers.

          To return to my citizenship problem, my father's death had left me angry, regretful and confused. One day, I got a phone call from the American consulate in Haifa to come in for a consultation. The will was under examination by a probate court and I would have to identify myself as the son of the deceased. I walked into this old building on a quiet street downtown and innocently presented my identity card. The official immediately made a face.

The consul asked me, "Your identity card has been punched. Have you ever voted in an election here?" I answered,  "Yes, sir, I have." He also asked, "Have you also served in the army?" I answered, "Yes, sir." He looked very cross and asked me whether I knew that I was breaking an American law. I was stunned and exclaimed, “I voted because I am a permanent resident here and I care about what is going on. What? Is it forbidden for an American citizen to vote in a friendly country or serve in a friendly army?”

From Seymour to Shlomo (101)

My response was not very circumspect and careful about things that affected my status. Not long after my father's death, an incident occurred that distracted and unnerved me.

My father had left some spending money for me in the care of a lawyer named Kraft. The name means “power” in German and Yiddish. But in English the noun "craft" means handiwork and the noun "craftsman" means an artisan. For some reason, the adjective "crafty" means cunning and sly. My relatives in the States knew that such money existed but avoided mentioning it openly in a letter. Instead, they used euphemisms such as “Krafts” or "the Krafty lawyer" when referring to this money. We had trusted him completely and had neglected to keep tabs on him. In the end, of course, the lawyer took advantage of the lack of supervision and in the confusion after the funeral, embezzled the money and ran off with it.

Somehow, the district attorney's office in New York had got their hands on the crooked lawyer Kraft and on his records. My name showed up on the list of clients. I received a letter from the prosecutor asking for my cooperation in presenting evidence. I discussed it with Ruth and we were running scared to reveal the fact that we had any money on deposit in a trust fund in another country. It was then strictly illegal and could cause real trouble.

From Seymour to Shlomo (102)

So we ignored the letter and did not cooperate. Although the matter ended there, I had a lousy feeling because I hated this dirty lawyer who had masqueraded as my father's friend and then stuck a knife in his back. I had no chance to follow up the case but can only hope that other victims in New York did speak up against him and that he got what he deserved.

My conflict with the American Consul was just at the end of the McCarthy era and the Secretary of State was the arch-conservative John Foster Dulles. Only many years later did the Supreme Court rule that dual citizenship is legal. The consul informed me that I cannot be a citizen of two countries at the same time. I objected, saying that I had met immigrants who held two passports at the same time, for example, British and Indian.

The American consul in Haifa, however, insisted that this may be the norm in vast empires such as England, Holland or France, with thousands of citizens living overseas. But the United States is not an imperial power and I can forget about the idea of dual citizenship. The law that I had broken was the McCarren Act of 1940, also known as the Nationality Act. I vaguely remembered from the 1930's the figure of the arch conservative, Senator Pat McCarren of Colorado.

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McCarran is the spiritual father of Newt Gingrich, Pat Buchanan, and all the modern conservative politicians of the Republican Party. I remembered that the Nationality Act expressly forbids American citizens to vote or serve in other countries.

Some friends reminded me that many young Americans were fed up with the foreign policy of President Roosevelt and Secretary of State Cordell Hull, who had declared neutrality when the World War broke out in Europe in 1939. Many youths of military age were crossing the border into Canada to volunteer for the Royal Canadian Air Force. The Americans were worried about casualties and diplomatic reprisals from the Germans, so they threatened the volunteers with loss of citizenship. As I look back, it was possibly a dress rehearsal for the reverse situation, when young Americans fled to Canada to avoid the draft during the Vietnam War.

The official wrote a report on the meeting and returned my identity card. But he insisted that I must show him my American passport, otherwise he could not help me in the legal proceedings. I was sure that I had left it at home by mistake but luckily, I thought, I found it in my travel bag. The official examined the passport and when he saw that it had expired, he just snipped off a corner of every page to invalidate it.

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He was exasperated and threw the book at me. He reminded me that I had entered a war zone in 1949 while pretending to be a student in France, had not bothered to register with the American embassy and had thus violated federal laws. The authorities have every reason to expatriate me if not worse.

My file will go to Washington for a decision after a few months. I asked the official what I could do to appeal such a step. He said that I could hire the services of a lawyer or write a declaration in good faith of my reasons for this behavior. Well, I had neither the money nor the fighting spirit to hire a lawyer.

I thought it over. I considered that I was living in a border kibbutz; under very primitive conditions and we were in constant threat of sniper fire or even bombardment. No, I could not leave my family and friends to face all that alone. I had to be at their side, so I decided to write a declar-ation in good faith.

I took two small pieces of note paper, each half the size of an ordinary page. Looking back, I should probably have used a sheet of regular sized letter-paper, preferably with a kibbutz letterhead.  The size of the page reflected the austerity of the country in general, and of our young kibbutz in particular. We encouraged our members to save and spare in all our economy.

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I spilled my heart out and wrote down a whole megillah* about everything that I felt.  Deep down inside, however, perhaps I was fearful that such a declaration was futile, but did feel the need to make a statement of intent.

I said that I was born in the United States and was proud to be an American. I grew up in a family of immigrants and we were all grateful to the American people for the refuge that they had given to our family. I had absorbed and soaked up so much of the spirit of the pioneers of the old frontier that it seemed only natural to go out in their footsteps and redeem land. I therefore volunteered to contribute all my energy to settling the old-new land of our fathers, which was in need of young Jews.

Furthermore, although I had knowingly broken some laws, I was among people who had done likewise and the authorities had apparently not been interested to prosecute us. I have never been a member of any subversive organization, specifically the Communist Party, and have never acted in any way, knowingly or unknowingly, to violate the Constitution. Furthermore I had duly registered for the draft in 1944, reported for military service and served until my honorable discharge in 1946. Considering all these, I think that it is not just to deprive me of my citizenship and I am sure that justice will be done.

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I then handed this declaration to the consulate and was sure that it would be filed in a trash can as nostalgic, sentimental drivel. Deep inside me I could not care less about political parties, Communists or otherwise. But I knew that the Reds interested the authorities the most so I spelled it out.

Sure enough, my fears came true and it did not help. In the autumn  of 1958 I got a notice of loss of citizenship, because of service in a foreign army and voting in a foreign national election. It came as a shock to me, because I had kept my hopes up for several months.

I began to think sad thoughts about betraying my late father, who had worked so hard to learn English and become a citizen. How could I throw all that away by irresponsible behavior? Of course I could fall back on my Israeli citizenship but the immediate effect is to make you feel stateless and homeless. Well, I comforted myself, you wanted to join the mainstream of the surviving Jews. So here you are, just as stateless as they are.

I had not tried to appeal the decision; life moved on and I soon forgot the whole matter. I could not travel abroad because money was scarce and the Syrian border kept us busy. However, I kept in touch with American life and in May of 1967 I was reading Time magazine when I came across some astounding news.

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The Supreme Court in Washing-ton had declared the Nationality Act of 1940 to be unconstitutional. I was overcome with joy. An American named Afroyim, living in the artists colony of Safad, had lost his citizenship on the same charges. He apparently had the time and money to appeal to the district court of New York, which ruled in his favor.

This angered the Eisenhower administration. His Secretary of State, Dean Rusk, appealed to the Supreme Court to overturn the decision of the lower court. The high court rejected the appeal. It ruled that a person born in the United States can lose his citizenship only if he enters an American diplomatic mission and renounces his citizenship willingly.

Even then, the person may appeal by claiming that he was under the influence of alcohol or drugs or undue stress. Since this ruling annulled an Act of Congress, there was no alternative except to restore the citizenship of Afroyim.

Well, I should have called the artist Afroyim to congratulate him,  but unfortunately the only telephone set in our kibbutz had been mobilized for security needs. So I wrote to the American consulate in Haifa and referred them to the decision, claiming that I too was unjustly expatriated.

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The consul replied that this may be true and he promised to investigate with his superiors. To facilitate the matter, could I travel down to the embassy in Tel Aviv and clarify certain matters. I readily agreed, but there was a lot of tension in the country.

The ruler of Egypt, Gammel Abdel Nasser had closed the Straits of Tiran to traffic from Eilat. In effect, the closure of the Straits of Tiran blocked all our shipping and caused an impossible situation for our imports and exports, especially the export of potassium and bromides from Eilat through the Red Sea. I was only forty-one years old then and was trained in a mortar crew. I expected to be mobilized for reserve duty at any moment.

In early June, the six-day war broke out. The youngest of our three children, Amir, just could not cope with the tension of border bombard-ments and could hardly function. All the efforts that we had invested until then to rehabilitate him from his childhood autism had been lost. The only practical solution was to place him in a closed ward of a mental hospital, with the hope and resolution that it was only temporary and our son would be able to return home when the fighting was over. Of course, my plans to visit Tel Aviv went up in flames. It took many months to rebuild our kibbutz physically and even longer to heal the emotional scars of war.

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When the bullets are flying and the bombs exploding, you can wave your American passport as much as you want, but it cannot protect you from harm. The net result was that I did not manage to visit the embassy and the whole matter of citizenship faded from my memory.

Things remained dormant until 1972, when Ruth and I realized that we were becoming detached from our families and decided to visit the States. I was then as a technical writer and translator in the Documentation and Engineering Change Control section of Elbit Computers in Haifa, a large firm devoted to manufacturing and to holdings. Today it is a conglomerate and upgrades electronic systems for foreign aircraft and tanks.

I had some vacation time coming so I contacted the Histour Agency in Haifa, ordered tickets from Air France through Paris and rented a car for Ruth, myself and our son Nadav who was 17 and on summer vacation from high school. I would need to learn how to operate an automatic gear instead of a shift stick as was common then in Israel. The tourist agent remarked that the American embassy invites one in about every four applicants for a personal interview, apparently to ensure that the traveler will not reside or work without a permit.

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But I was told that my chances of being called in were very slight, since I am a family man who lives in a structured society. Sure enough, as luck would have it, I was summoned to Tel Aviv. I waved to the Marine guard at the entrance to the embassy because I had not seen a Marine in a long time. But he kept looking straight forward. I became anxious when I looked at my invitation again and noticed that I am invited to the Consular Section, not to the Visa Section.

I was directed to a very friendly clerk, Mr. Jack Safriel, a Jew of Egyptian origin, who stuck his hand under his desk, pulled out a file and asked me .in a forced tone of seriousness, "Did you write this letter of declaration in February of 1958?" I was stunned. There it was, in my own original handwriting. I had been sure that they had filed it away in the trash can. The clerk informed me that on the basis of my letter and investigation of my army service and curriculum vitae, he has reason to believe that I am in effect still an American citizen.

All this was one week before I was about to fly out on June 29. I asked the clerk what was the rush. I could take care of the matter when I return from the trip. He replied that the immigration authorities cannot be responsible for a traveler when his or her nationality is not clear.

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Mr. Safriel explained that you cannot just sit on a fence with one foot in one world and the other foot in another world. The authorities must know where their responsibility lies, whether they are responsible for my safety or not.

I asked what I must do to restore my citizenship. He gave me a printed page of directions to follow. I would have to spend a whole day in Tel Aviv and Ramat Gan, maybe more. I would have to approach the Ministry of the Interior and fill out a form in which I lie about my illegal voting, stating that I was a new immigrant in 1952 and my friends misled me about the implications of my act. Everyone around me in our group voted and so did I.

I would also have to contact the Adjutant General of the armed forces and fill out a form in which I lie about my military service, stating that I was a new immigrant in 1951 and my friends misled me about the implications of my act. Everyone around me in our group joined the army and so did I.

Specifically, and to my credit, I had taken care not to swear allegiance to the State of Israel but had only declared loyalty and a willingness to obey orders. I had no trouble with fibbing on an official form. In fact, the clerk made it clear that I am not the first and the last case of this kind and that there is an unofficial agreement with the Israeli authorities to let us off the hook.

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But it was hard to take the time off to run around doing the errands. The clerk was sympathetic with my plight and agreed to grant me a one-time visa of entry to the United States, as an Israeli citizen. But he warned me that this was a generous gesture that could not be repeated. When I return home, I must immediately clarify my citizenship status. I promised and we agreed to it.

The trip to the States went off without a hitch and we had a wonderful time seeing our friends and family and revisiting the scenes of our childhood. My Israeli passport was sufficient to go through a stopover at Paris for two days.

On the first evening, we joined a tourist bus going around Paris. The tour ended on a sour note because we waited half an hour until the end of the theater shows, to take the visitors back to their hotels. The next day, we flew out to Philadelphia, where we had no trouble entering as Israelis.

But when we returned, I was distracted by a crisis in the life of our handicapped son, Amir. He had turned 16 and could no longer be accommodated at the mental hospital of Eitanim, in the hills around Jerusalem, which was equipped to handle young children only. We could have placed him at an adult facility on a hill nearby but we knew that that would be the end of the road for him.

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There was another facility for adults near the Arab village of Maz'ra'a, on the coast of Western Galilee, but the stories that we had heard about that place were enough to remove it as a possibility, even without a visit..

People had told us about a strange American rabbi called Mandel who had taken over the buildings of the deserted kibbutz Kedma in the South, next to the development town of Kiryat Malachi. Mandel had taken in some drug addicts and juvenile delinquents and succeeded to rehabilitate them by raising horses and other animals. He did not apparently try to make them religious.

Ruth and I decided to visit the place in late 1972. The approach road was rather rough and the whole compound did not make a good impression. Mandel himself seemed decent enough but he did not have the credentials that would qualify him for the job. His wife had by chance gone off to the States to raise some funds for the project. The rabbi was alone with his kids and had his hands full.

As we talked, we realized that the whole enterprise was very fragile. Rabbi Mandel had visited the Knesset to lobby for permission to open his rehabilitation facility with assistance from the authorities. When he failed to win approval, he became impatient to take over the buildings so he forced his way in without official permission and settled in as a squatter.

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This invasion caused a dispute with the nearby town council who wanted the land for its own needs. This unclear ownership had apparently caused the neglect of the site and its approach road. It would be a crime to bring Amir to a place like that, so we had no choice but to turn to a private institution for adults.

The institution was Tel Ilan (now “Illanit”), located in the industrial zone of Pardes Hanna, not far from the Malben old age home, on the road to Binyamina. At that time, Pardes Hanna was a small town of citrus farmers with a family atmosphere. But in the 1990’s it developed and absorbed many people from the large cities.

I intended to seek the support of my relatives, Rachel and Avraham Fein, who were old settlers in the town. Rachel’s mother and my maternal grandmother were sisters in the Murawczyk family. Soon after I came to Israel in 1949, during the days of austerity and rationing, I brought them a large box of sugar from France. I was happy that we had an address to which we may turn for support.

Placing a young adult in an institution, even a decent one, takes a lot of emotional strength, tender loving care, making contacts and connections and examining the premises. These preparations were especially important since a short time ealier the institution had been rocked by a scandal. The manager had embezzled funds by lowering the standard of living of the wards.

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There was apparently no public supervision of the actions of the crooked manager. The searches and the initial days at Tel Ilan exhausted us emotionally and physically and the whole problem of my citizenship slipped again into the abyss. Nothing changed until 1978, when my daughter Techia complained to me that I was blocking her visit to the United States. She had just broken off a long relationship with a young aspiring journalist from a kibbutz in the Jezreel Valley and needed to travel to the States to find her way back to a normal life.

At first I did not understand. She explained that the American embassy asked about her citizenship status and she had told them that she was an American by virtue of her parents. But I was not listed at the embassy as a citizen. This really turned on my adrenaline and I rushed into town to fill out all the official forms about my so-called innocent intentions and brought them over to the embassy.

I paid the fee for passport renewal and was granted an American passport by (and catch this - I remember her name) a Ms Sharon Hurley. She made made me raise my right hand and swear loyalty to the Constitution so help me God. I felt like a Senator being sworn into office. She mentioned that several other cases of kibbutz members in limbo had come to her attention and she had worked out a procedure to help us all retrieve our citizenship.

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I almost kissed the consular official and breathed a sigh of relief. I felt that I had come about a full circle. I had started out as an American citizen and here I was back again with my citizenship restored. An identity card is one thing but the identity of my heritage is another. Maybe from now on I would stop trying to be like others, to assimilate with a vengeance, but rather let my background flow naturally into the present.

The subject of citizenship brings me back to December of 1948, when I was preparing for aliya. Our Israeli emissary, Yehuda Messinger, warned me officially that the American authorities still consider Palestine a war zone and American citizens cannot obtain a visa to travel there. However, he winked at me and said that the authorities turn a blind eye to violations of this directive. They do not prosecute illegal travelers as long as they slip out through a third country.

I was advised that I could get a student visa for France and contact the Hagana (Defence) agents there who were operating openly, hand in glove, with the French authorities. I asked Messinger why the French are so palsy-walsy with Israel. He could only tell me what he had heard, that the French and British were still imperial rivals and any revolt against British rule was welcomed by the French.

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The French also felt repentant over the collaboration of General Henri Petain and Pierre Laval with the Germans during the days of the so-called unoccupied, autonomous  zone in south France centered at Vichy. My sister was non-committal on my plans. She had married Joe Zanger in 1946 and continued to work as an administrative  school-secretary while setting up her new apartment as a housewife. My father was not too happy about my going but he did not resist too much. It may be that my prolonged absence from home, first away at school and then on the training farms, had accustomed him to the idea of my leaving home.

He did insist on one thing, though, that I travel like a sport. Maybe I was not going to be a doctor or a dentist, but no son of his would travel tourist class, so he bought me a first class ticket on the Queen Mary, bound for Le Havre and Southampton.

When I entered the French Embassy to apply for a visa, I was attracted by the large portrait of General De Gaulle on the walls. Then I knew that I had entered a new phase in this wide world. I received a visa as a student to France and prepared to travel. I had no idea of what to pack because I had never been overseas before, even as a soldier. I did know that it was already December and I took some winter clothes.

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I do not remember who saw me off at the pier. I stood on the deck and looked out at the nearby streets and wondered about going out on an adventure when I was not even familiar with the neighborhood of the waterfront.

I have some fleeting memories of my first voyage on the ocean. The waves and the wake seemed enormous. The waiter was a red-faced Irishman or Scot, who had a continual smell of whiskey on his breath. I had pity on him, being so far from home. I was curious about what a ship is all about, so I walked around the deck again and again, checking out every lifeboat and hatch and porthole.

I was reminded of 1938 or thereabouts, when the battleship Philadelphia (sunk at Pearl Harbor) had visited New York. My brother or sister took me out to visit on board. I remember the proud sailors on the launch, dressed in spotless white uniforms, standing between little pennants flying in the breeze. I remember my amazement at the shining metal strips on the walls.

If someone had handed me an application form to enlist, I would have done so on the spot. Of course, I was running away from home more than the navy was attracting me. I was tired of learning only from books about real life, of being cooped up in a tenement house, of agonizing over the tensions at home.

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This despair had apparently prompted me to become interested in the merchant marine. I knew the dangers from German submarines that had torpedoed many ships in convoys on the way to England. But I also knew that boys of 17 were accepted for training. I had met some sailors from the big training base at Sheepshead Bay in New York. When my seventeenth birthday came near, I talked about it at home and you can imagine the storm that it aroused.

It was even worse than the storm of the year before, when I wanted to volunteer for farm work in summer for room and board. There were many posters around town urging young people to help the war effort by substituting for mobilized farmers. I had seen that as a golden opportunity to take off weight, to meet young people and to test my abilities. But it was doomed from the start. "What, are you a peasant? What will become of your grades? Do you want to eat pork and go out with a shiksa (a non-Jewish girl in Yiddish)?"

All in all, I was so lonely that I asked the British sailors if the girls in Britain and Europe like to go out dancing, pet and kiss. The answer was usually yes, with much fewer limitations than in college, when we had to sign out before leaving the dormitory on a date on Saturday night. After the movie, theater, dinner or dance, we would take our dates back to the campus before the midnight curfew.

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We left our girls only at the last moment. This prolonged departure was part of the ritual, which usually ended in a routine warm kiss. We men would gather at a local café or restaurant and exchange stories about our adventures, successes, failures and frustrations in our efforts to kiss and pet our dates. But in the end we too had to return to the dormitory to sign into the logbook. There was a lot of hypocrisy in those days.

After my talks with the sailors, my hormones began to flow out of excitement and I needed to calm down. I stopped to talk with a Jewish doctor from the London suburb of West Ham. He explained in calm and measured tones, but with deep anger, how the new National Health System was destroying his practice and his motivation to work in the medical profession. The number of bureau-cratic forms to be filled in had multiplied He simply could no longer handle all the people coming in needlessly, just because it was a free service. I had become so interested in Britain that I almost decided to stay with the ship to the last stop at Southampton. But in the end, I stuck with my original plan to get off at the first stop in France.

I was so excited that I cannot recall whether it was Cherbourg or Le Havre. Maybe it was the latter, namely, the northern terminal of the rail link to Paris. I looked around expecting to see American troops everywhere, but all I saw was a lone French officer in a special uniform. I asked, "Agent de police?" (to test my French). He replied, "Securitay".

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I looked around hoping to see bombed buildings and war damage. All I saw was an elderly Frenchman in a blue work suit, rolling a fishing net into his boat, with the proverbial dead cigarette dangling from his lips. The train to Paris was near the pier. I remember looking for peasants drinking red wine and ripping off bread from a fresh loaf. But that happened near Dijon, on the ride from Paris to Marseille. My main memory of the train ride to Paris was how much the hedgerows resembled those we had seen in the war films. My reveries were rudely interrupted by a customs inspector.

The customs inspector insisted that I pay a duty for my precious vacuum-tube portable radio which I had inherited from my late brother. Portable radios were a novelty in those days. I said that it was personal and not new. I said Campeeng, Campeeng, which I had used to indicate to the customs inspectors at the port that I am just a tourist on a camping trip. It had helped me then but did not help me now. I suppose that the French regarded the portable radio as a luxury item. My first inclination was to dump it on the spot but in the end I decided to pay. I had been riding on the train to Paris and we reached a large station called Gare Saint Lazare, probably at the northern end of town. I had thought the name Lazare to be quite exotic until one day I was told that is the French form of the Hebrew name Eliezer.

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That is why the shortened form of Lazar is so common among Jews. In speaking Yiddish, we used to call people Leizer if their name was Eliezer. That is probably why I could not figure out at first how come a laser beam has nothing to do with Jews.

In my youthful enthusiasm, I compared the station to the French railway stations that I had seen in the movies. I was also impressed by the porters in their blue uniforms and small pushcarts for luggage. I looked at the faces of the people and played a game of trying to identify Jews. The name of the famous Place de la Madeleine also interested me . It is a variant of Magdalene, which was the name applied to the virgin Mary, since she came from the village of Magdal or Magdala (now Migdal) near Tiberias. But that is another story.

I must have applied at once to the Jewish Agency to get a place to sleep. All I can remember is crowds and crowds of Jews roaming around the offices and harried clerks who had no time to help me. The Jews were of all ages, sizes and shapes and I felt that this was my first encounter with the mainstream of the Jews from the displaced persons camps all over Europe. I also noticed that the offices were very cold and there was no central heating. The clerks were sitting near small heating elements on the floor, a kind of stove with which I was to become so familiar later on.

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I turned to an Israeli who apparently represented the Haganah and he gave me a voucher for a train ride to Marseille. I had some time to spare so I walked a lot around the city. In my innocence, I was amazed that the Eiffel tower and the other landmarks looked just like I had seen them in the postcards. I enjoyed trying out my high school French on the locals and was pleased when they understood me. The clothes that people were wearing were still quite dull and gray and threadbare.

This fit in with all the memorial plaques from the war years that I encountered on the avenues. On one street, the Germans had taken  some hostages. On another street, the resistance fighters had shot at a visiting German general. I felt very peculiar to be walking the same streets that would have been so perilous for me just four short years ago.

I remember taking a ride on the Metro to get the feel of the place. The billboards were a good place to test my knowledge of French. I think I went to the Folies Bergere or some similar show to take a peep at French culture. The exposed bodies were just as I had imagined. The French call their lemonade "citron" and I had some at the intermission. Now I have an unpleasant but true confession to make. I was walking close to the Pigalle, wide-eyed and full of wonder, when a strange woman in the crowd stopped me. I thought at first that she was asking for a handout or inviting me into a bar for a dime a dance.

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It all happened so fast that I had no time to think much. She drew me into a sleazy hotel, started to reveal her breasts and legs and invited me to touch them. I have never told Ruth about this and probably never will, unless she hires a special prosecutor. I guess that I was flushed from excitement and did not realize what I was doing.

The woman wanted a few dollars in advance but all I had was a ten dollar bill. Fortunately, I was foolish enough to give it to her, as she demanded. She said that she would change it at the concierge's desk but she never returned.

I went downstairs, stunned with disbelief that I, Seymour Sokol from the South Bronx, could be fiddling around with a Parisian streetwalker. The concierge looked at me and said that he never registers males who enter the way I did. I heaved a sigh of relief and said how happy I am that I am not on his records.

I added that in any case, I am off to Marseille tomorrow on the way to Israel. What, are you a Jew? I said yes, what is the problem? “No problem,“ he said, “just that I cannot believe that you are a Jew.  Our French Jews are too clever to be cheated as you were.”  I was tempted to decide to stay in France and be as smart as the local Jews.  But I decided to move on and try to grow up in Israel.

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I do not remember much of the train ride southward. I was alone and followed the snow-covered mountains to the east and the vineyards that seemed to cover every patch of hillside. Maybe we passed Avignon and I remembered the famous bridge in the children's song.  We did pass Dijon and many interesting people came on and off. It was here that I finally saw a peasant in the car, guzzling wine and attacking a loaf of bread.

I could feel in my bones that we were approaching the Mediterranean and my goal was in sight.  The train station at Marseille was very different from Saint Lazare, with wide stone steps. I looked out over the water and thought that the same waves lapped at the shores of Haifa.

I had reached Marseille and found transportation to an old castle called St. Jerome, to which the Jewish Agency in Paris had directed me.  It was located on a rise above the city on the road that wound its way up to the north.  Marseille was built on a gentle slope that ended up in the mountains which I think were called Les Alpes-Maritimes. I imagined that Haifa must look like that. The hills were not only picturesque but also important because they resemble the hills around Jerusalem which we may be asked to defend. Our commanders took us out, the other volunteers and me, for long marches in this hill country.

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I remember one hike with backpacks up the slope. From the hilltops I could look even further up and down the coastline than I could from our camp in town. I was interested to try to locate Nice and Cannes, which I saw on the maps and which I knew from the movies and from the vacations of celebrities. But all I could see through the haze was many bays and beaches.

We had reached a high place from which we could see down below a small clearing cut out of the rock. A trolley car was turning around in a small circle. It was the final stop of a municipal rail line and we needed to take that trolley home. I could not imagine having to descend that slope directly down to the trolley but that is exactly what we were required to do. I was so scared that I almost slipped and tumbled down several times.

I did manage to see Nice in 1972 when our Air France flight landed there on its way to Paris. I was in transit and could not exit the airport but from the air I was impressed by the openness of the port area - no walls or fences. You could walk along the seafront and look out at the harbor and the boats. In contrast, the Haifa port has always been walled in and protected from passersby. But I am getting ahead of the story. I was assigned to Saint Jerome, an abandoned castle on the outskirts of town.

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The Jewish Agency had rented from the French a string of old chateaux around the town, overtly for the use of transients from North Africa and survivors from the displaced persons' camps. I visited one such camp called Grands Arenas (say “grahn areh-nass) and it was a dismal sight. Bewildered and confused people were living in primitive conditions.

Our camp was different. Overtly, it was a haven for refugees but covertly it was a military camp. The soldiers in our camp were a mixture of conscripted refugees called Gachal (Gius Hutz L'Aretz) and volunteers like me from all around the world called Machal (Mitnad'vei Hutz L'Aretz). The members of Machal have kept in touch and formed an organization in the United States called AVI (American Veterans of Israel).

I am a member of AVI and receive their newsletters and contribute money to the planting of memorial forests and conventions. But to my regret I have never taken part in their annual conventions in Israel or in America. Perhaps I am a bit shy in the presence of real heroes who fought in tough battles on land, sea and air. There were several volunteers from English-speaking countries like myself. I know from a newspaper photograph that Asher Wallfish, the late political correspondent for the Jerusalem Post, had passed through St. Jerome.

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I personally remember two volunteers from England, a secretary who was bored with her office work in London and an aggressive, cynical type named Kane. At first I was attracted to his strong personality. But when I found myself imitating his cynical talk I decided to back away before I distort my real self. .

Our commander was Israel Gill, a young clean cut sabra, the son of a family of affluent citrus-growers in Rehovot. His father Yaacov had been a member of the first Knesset as a General Zionist. Gill was apparently an officer in the Hagana underground who had a temporary commission in the IDF. Of course he could not wear a uniform outside our compound but while on duty he insisted on strict discipline, cleanliness and obedience. I think that he enjoyed being a role model for turning us, a rag-tag mass of civilians and survivors, into a proud unit.

In later years, he became a labor-relations lawyer and worked for the Histadrut. I once met him on a street in Haifa and saw him several times on television in reports on factory disputes. We invited him in 1999 to visit Gadot at our expense and help me celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of my aliya, but he declined, saying that he does not remember me personally. All I wanted was for him to talk about the military camp at the St. Jerome castle.

From Seymour to Shlomo (129)

I got into conversations with some of the displaced persons and their stories were enough to make your hair stand on end. They had become toughened in the camps and were now rebellious. We could not train with rifles so we had broomsticks instead. We used to run around the streets every morning holding our broomsticks and responding to orders to sing one-two-three-four (in Hebrew).

The French residents looked on us as if we were strange and weird. A few encouraged us with shouts of bravo but most were indifferent. Here I must mention that even then Marseilles had a large Arab population and they were an influence in the town.

A propos immigrants, I remember passing some barbershops and small craftsmen with names on the front that sounded Armenian. In fact, I once went into a barber shop for a haircut just to get the feel of the town and the barber got excited in broken French when he told me about the massacre of Armenians in Turkey in the first World War.

Several times I bought some red wine at a neighborhood wine shop. The many wine shops were an attraction by their very existence. They were all over the place, as frequent as a fish and chips shop in England or a soda stand in the States.

From Seymour to Shlomo (130)

The wines were stored in a row of wooden casks, each with its tap. The casks contained various types of wine: red, white, strong, vintage and so on. You mentioned the type of wine you need and the dealer poured it into a tall green-tinted deposit bottle with a white cap held tightly in place by a spring-operated lever. It reminded me of the Mason jars in the States to pickle cucumbers or turnips in a vacuum.

I had no idea whatsoever what wine to choose, so I took the cheapest. My big surprise was that it is no big deal to buy or drink wine here. I was impressed by the license just to operate a retail store, without any special type of license for wines and liquors as in the States. I noticed the matter-of-fact attitude of the customers, without the usual hang-ups about alcohol that I had known. This was in contrast to my memories from the States.

For example, when I was in the Army, I would get homesick from time to time and buy a bottle of Manischewitz sweet wine on the way home from the base. I would land at a main terminal in town, Pennsylvania Station or Grand Central Station, to look for the subway home to my neighborhood. One day I arrived hungry and entered a delicatessen downtown for a hot pastrami sandwich. I innocently took out my bottle of wine to wash down the food, but the proprietor quickly came over to me.

From Seymour to Shlomo (131)

The owner of the delicatessen insisted that I must put the bottle away. This was because he had no liquor license. If an inspector saw me drinking wine, he would report it and the proprietor would be punished by a fine. After that incident, I began to associate wine with licenses and special permits.

I have mentioned an open port area, and I remember that Marseille was like that. The long street along the sea was called Avenue de la Republique, but I imagine that it is now Avenue Charles de Gaulle. In 1997, Ruth and I took the ferry from Dover to Boulogne sur Mer and noticed that the main port road had been renamed for the late President, Francois Mitterand.

The Arab quarter of Marseille was nearby and I was dying of curiosity to go have a look. But we were warned to stay away, since we were obviously not Frenchmen and, more important, were engaged in clandestine activities. However, that did not deter me from enjoying the sights on the street. I noticed many vendors selling from pushcarts. Next to local French brands of toothpaste, I was amazed to see Colgate and Kolynos toothpaste, just like back home. Perhaps the American brands had been bought or stolen from the armies of occupation in Europe and then smuggled in from another country.

From Seymour to Shlomo (132)

From a small heated wagon came shouts of "Jambon, jambon". It sounded like jam-bon or "good jam" but when I took a closer look I saw what looked like the leg of a chicken or goose. Perhaps it was based on "la jambe" meaning a leg or limb. A friend told me in 1999 that she remembers "jambon" to be the name for ham. Of course I did not touch the stuff.

My interest in words got the better of me and I got a kick out of the name of one of the cross-town streets, La Canebiere. I know that it still exists but I never could find out what it meant. To me it sounded like a Can of Beer. I remember seeing a young female student walking around with a T-square in hand, just like the ones we used to use in drawing classes.

I quickly learned that a store named Emballage was a place where you could get any merchandise packed for shipment. I had brought with me from the States a bulky carton of sugar for our cousins in Pardes Hanna, because sugar was scarce in Israel. After the end of the British Mandate in Palestine, Israel lost all its privileges as a trading partner. The sugar was in packets inside the carton but unfortunately it got bumped around during the sea voyage and the sugar began to leak out. So I paid for the re-packing and the Frenchman did an excellent job. Working in an international port area, he apparently had much experience.

From Seymour to Shlomo (133)

I know that the port was international because many of the business signs mentioned French colonies such as "L'Afrique du Nord" and "L'Indo-Chine". By the way, I am not sure that our kitchen at the St Jerome camp was strictly kosher because I was not much into the subject at that time. I assume that our meat products were not flown in from Israel because air transport was not available. Maybe they were shipped down by train from Paris. Almost all of our dairy and vegetable diet was from local products.

One day, to break the routine, a friend and I went downtown to look for a kosher restaurant. Apparently, not many Jews were left in Marseille. The town had been full of refugees after the fall of France but when the Nazis tightened their grip on the Vichy regime, the refugees fled eastward to Cannes, which was under occupation by the Italians and its Jews were protected by them.

It was not easy to find because we had no information to go by and the passersby could not help us. We finally did find the only kosher place in town, a simple dining room without decorations. I do not remember what we ate there, probably chicken. We were eager to meet people and our most interesting encounter was with a Polish Jew who had survived a death camp. He was relatively young and in good physical condition, thin but not emaciated. He had an unusual story to tell. When Poland was invaded, he fled to France through Slovakia and the Balkans. When France fell, he fled to Vichy, to the non-occupied zone in the south.

From Seymour to Shlomo (134)

He drifted to Marseille and had almost decided to move eastward towards the Italian armies. Then he heard from the grapevine that the French were accepting recruits for the Foreign Legion in North Africa. He had been in the Polish Army and thought he had a good chance to be accepted. The French underground provided him with forged documents to show that he was born in France.

The recruiting officer had approved his enlistment but there was a liaison officer of the secret service with him. The security agent became suspicious when the recruit did not speak French fluently enough and could not answer some leading questions. He demanded a thorough interrogation and you can imagine what happened next.

And now he was sitting with us in a miserable kosher restaurant, looking for company like we were, trying to rebuild his broken life. We invited him, half-jokingly, to join us but he said that he already had gone through enough struggles to last a lifetime and could not contribute to our cause. It had been my first heart to heart talk, face to face with a displaced person.

Meanwhile. our unit was becoming restless because we had completed our course of basic training, as much as we could do without the firing of weapons. We were doing nothing, just waiting around for a ship to arrive. There was a lot of loose talk and ferment in the barracks.

From Seymour to Shlomo (135)

One day our activists incited us to walk out of the camp without permission and parade towards the center of Marseille. We marched in step, chanting "Israel, Israel", while holding large placards in several languages. I do not remember whether we were photographed or whether our act of desperation was reported in the local press.

I do recall that our commander Israel Gill was furious. He broke his resolve to speak only Hebrew and addressed us in Yiddish, warning us of dire consequences for the future of our camp in Marseille. He appealed to our sense of shame to display our disputes in front of the local French population. He turned repeatedly to our ring-leader, a certain Holocaust survivor named Spielberg and shouted "Shpielberg, gehe aheim." (Go home).

In the end we broke up peacefully but looking back it was more of an outing than a riot. The idea was to make a point, and relieve frustrations. Not long afterwards, the passenger ship “Kedma” did arrive to take us to Haifa. There were only three such boats in service, the Kedma, the Galila and the Negba.

This ends my story. In later years, my grandchildren began to search for their roots and have asked me, their Grandpa Shlomo, to describe my parents, Harry and Fanny Sokol, of blessed memory.

NOTE: THIS ENDS MY MEMORIES THAT WERE WRITTEN IN A FREE AND SPONTANEOUS WAY. THE NEXT PAGES WILL BE AN APPENDIX, IN WHICH I ANSWER QUESTIONS PUT TO ME BY MY VARIOUS GRANDCHILD-REN. DURING THE SIXTH GRADE OF ELEMENTARY SCHOOL, THE LOCAL CUSTOM IS TO DECLARE IT A "BAR-MITZVAH YEAR". EACH PUPIL IS GIVEN A SET OF 13 TASKS TO DO DURING THE YEAR. AMONG THEM IS TO APPROACH A PARENT AND A GRANDPARENT AND PRESENT A LIST OF QUESTIONS DURING AN INTERVIEW AND REPORT THE ANSWERS. MANY OF MY ANSWERS SURPRISED ME BECAUSE, ALTHOUGH THEY WERE SOMETIMES REPETITIOUS, THEY DID AWAKEN FORGOTTEN MEMORIES AND I COPIED THEM DOWN FOR MYSELF.

AS EVER, SHLOMO





With best wishes for your health and happiness


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