1. Introduction.
'The news of the bird on my pager sent me into total shock. It was 11.30am in the morning and I had about six hours to get from Aberdeen to Durness… about an hour into the driving, I began to smell petrol, but because I was so tight on time, I decided to keep driving. The fumes were so bad that I had to keep the window wound down and I could see the fuel gauge dropping drastically.' (Brydges, 1998: 369)
The pursuit of seeing rare species of bird, known as 'twitching', has developed into a culture in which individuals travel the length and breadth of the country in order to increase the number of species that they have seen. 'Twitching' involves a fanatical group of individuals who are obsessed about birds yet despite being rooted in this obsession with natural history, their traveling is a form of 'collecting' – in a similar vein to philanthropists and train-spotters (Cocker, 2001: 50). The notion of 'twitching' contests the boundary between nature and culture and allows one to become increasingly aware of a community that is shaped by nature. The study of ornithology has maintained itself as a scientific discipline, with an objective focus, but the study of birds can be pursued by anyone. Contemporary scientific debates, such as the listing of bird species, are played out on several 'landscapes' – scientific journals, academics, in cars by the layman. Scientists' rationale is to only listen to other scientists, whilst exclusion of the 'other' voices has led to a separate forum – 'twitching'- in which these voices can be heard. These voices are birders, individuals with no formal scientific training yet with an immense wealth of knowledge who use field experience of bird species, combined with incalculable enthusiasm, to portray their point of view.
Twitching is a culture that is inextricably linked to nature, yet Cosgrove (2000) argues that a consistent dimension of culture’s conceptual history is its opposition to nature. However, culture is a complex and increasingly important concept and is best understood contextually and historically – with recent geographical thought challenging such an opposition, on theoretical, political and substantive grounds (Cosgrove, 2000: 145). In response to this recognition, a number of writers have reached for a concept that acknowledges the collapse of a nature/culture dialectic – for example, studied spaces where neat divisions of nature are problematic in areas such as natural parks and zoos (Cosgrove, 2000). Indeed, the twitching culture is not simply constructed through these human practices, as animals (birds) are involved in shaping human representations. The aim of this discussion is to divulge the complexities of this specific culture with respect to core topics, such as the role of technology, mobility and exclusion, and place them within the context of the human geography discipline.
1.1 The Culture of Birdwatching: An Introduction
Positioning this discussion about contemporary birdwatching within this sub-discipline allows one to move away from the generalized stereo-typing that the pursuit often receives, and to move towards a notion of subjectivity, individuality and compulsion that is played out on the landscape of Britain and Ireland. But before the pursuit of birds can be unraveled, there is a need to understand the general publics' perceptions of a birdwatcher. The stigma attached to being interested in birds is aptly described by Cocker (2001:8) where he 'was especially terrified that the other two-legged kind [of bird] would find out and [he] often rehearsed a nightmare scenario in which a large gang of girls stood in a scornful huddle laughing at the nerd with the anorak and the binoculars'. Defying the notion of a spatial shorthand to sum up characteristics of other groups, as suggested by Mike Crang (1998:61), birdwatchers are located throughout the British Isles – their elective characteristics, in so far as watching birds, has produced a web of birdwatchers geographically spanning from the Isles of Scilly in the south, to Shetland in the north, yet outside of the birdwatching community the activity is homogenized and is little understood.
The adaptation of birdwatching as a culture is, in itself, controversial. People who watch birds are far from homogenous in their interest – they range from those who merely enjoy the sight of birds to those who actively pursue a particular species. So far the term 'birdwatcher' has been rather indiscriminately used, yet the term 'birdwatcher' has a special connotation in the contemporary pursuit of birds. As this discussion involves the more serious and committed 'birder' and 'twitcher' notion, the term 'birdwatcher', which is an accurate descriptive title, is left to describe those who have a passive interest in birds – you sit quietly and hope the bird will fly to you, and if it does, you watch it (Oddie, 1980: 21-22). A 'birder' is actively involved in studying, identifying and collecting birds on his/her list. Most active 'birders' will identify themselves as such, yet to a layman they will be referred to as 'twitchers'. The dialect of a 'birder' is almost one of hatred towards being referred to as a 'twitcher', yet in many instances these two titles are interchangeable. If there is anything that can distinguish a 'twitcher' from a 'birder', then it is the philosophy of a 'twitcher'. As Oddie (1980:25) suggests 'whilst to many birders the major thrill is to actually find a new or rare bird for themselves, the twitcher is more frequently to be found in pursuit of other people’s birds. While birding may be assumed to be a relatively solitary activity, it is not so for twitchers. Usually they hunt in packs.'
Throughout this discussion, the nouns 'twitcher' and 'birder' can be used interchangeably, as can the associated verbs – a person interested in the pursuit will describe themselves as a birder, an external (non-birding) narrative describing such a person as a 'twitcher'. Constant misapplication of the word twitcher by the non-birding population has labeled just about everyone interested in birds as a 'twitcher', and this homogenization of the birding culture subjects those people who merely have an interest in birds to be categorized with the 'hardcore' birder. Indeed, 'twitching is a world away from enjoying a leisurely spot of birdwatching. It is hyperactive, hyper-alert: twitchers use leading-edge technology to enable them instantly to rush anywhere in Britain' (Naish, 2000:19). Although somewhat exaggerated, due to the assumption of instant mobility, Naish's (2000) quotation aptly distinguishes between the sub-categories involved in the birdwatching culture. Twitching is all about seeing species of bird and 'ticking' them off on a list. In particular, the phenomenon of twitching is a culture only represented in Britain, Ireland, Holland and, to a lesser extent, North America and Scandinavia. Each twitching culture has grown up independent of each other, with most of the rare birds that 'twitchers' are interested in, in their respective country, being relatively common species in other parts of the world.
1.2 The 'Twitcher'
The word 'twitcher' arose from the conversations of Bob Emmett and Howard Medhurst, two eminent birdwatchers in the late 1950s. They used to travel together to see birds on Emmett's Matchless 350 motorbike, and due to the lack of heating, Medhurst’s natural response was to shiver uncontrollably (Cocker, 2001:52). As this occurred on a regular basis, it became a standard joke to re-enact Medhurst's trembling performance and a birding trip thus became known as 'being on a twitch'. Ever since, 'twitching' has become part of the vernacular, and is now entwined within the English language and is recognized in the Oxford English Dictionary. A pursuit dominated by the male gender, 'twitching' was an extremist form of the leisure activity of birdwatching, but post-1970 the hobby of 'twitching' has become, to an extent, a competitive preoccupation to some. The modern scene can perhaps be traced back to the formation of the bird observatory network in the 1950s, when, as an offshoot of their migration studies, it was discovered that a number of birds formerly considered to be great rarities were occurring in Britain with some regularity (Vinicombe & Cottridge, 1996). Since this period, further developments within the hobby have occurred, paralleling developments in the outside world. For example, the 1970s saw birding become a young man’s hobby, its ranks swollen by a generation of hippies, and the 1980s and, in particular, the 1990s have seen technological developments such as mobile telephones and pagers that have widened access to the pursuit.
Since the pursuit of twitching became a mainstream activity within the birdwatching genre, it has been given a fairly rough ride both within the hobby as well as the previously described external stereotyping. As Millington (1981: 7-8) describes, 'a certain amount of attack has been leveled at twitching on occasions, mainly from people who do not really understand it'. It was with Millington's A Twitcher’s Diary (1981) that the twitcher’s reputation reached its nadir, with the narrative having no pretensions to literariness or science with the text capturing the behaviour, lifestyle and linguistics of a top birder. The book detailed a year, 1980, where the author attempted a year list – trying to see as many species of bird in Britain in one year – yet the Royal Society for the Protection of Birds (RSPB) was so sensitive to public perceptions of birdwatching that when Millington's book appeared for sale in their magazine, the editors thought it best to censor the main title with a bold black strip (Cocker, 2001: 54). Since this incident, twitcher's reputations have bettered, though external stereotyping and narrative usually only deal with the extreme, often portrayed as negative, examples that occur within the pursuit. Indeed, problems occasionally arise when an unusual number of birders descend on a site that has become temporary host to an extreme rarity. With crowds often being in excess of one thousand people, birders can create something of a shock to local communities or local birdwatchers, but when the rare bird disappears so do the twitchers. Whether the bird is located on the Isles of Scilly or Central London, the same individuals will go and see the bird, and as a consequence the social interactions that occur, due to rare species of bird, are played out across the landscape of Britain and Ireland.
1.3 Research Agenda
The study of sub-cultures has grown as a result of the 'cultural turn', an intellectual shift that has brought questions of culture to the forefront of contemporary debates in human geography. What is symptomatic of this recent development is the emphasis on the discursive constitution of social life and the embedding of all human activities within culturally differentiated ways of life (Crang, P., 2000). Having outlined the notion of twitching, and the distinction between the 'birdwatcher' and the 'birder/twitcher', I wish to focus on the idea of twitching as a culture and place it within a geographical context. It is important to study sub-cultures due to the 'dense and cultural mosaic that exists in contemporary society' (Crang, M., 1998). The 'twitching' culture brings formerly distant identities and puts them together, and it is important to study how sub-cultures develop and acquire meaning, and how places are used by these sub-cultures. The 'twitching' culture is constantly produced and re-constructed through its participant's movements and experiences that develop due to the occurrences of rare birds throughout Britain and Ireland. There is a need to emphasize some important aspects that are relevant to the discussion, and to use these elements as a central role in developing this thesis. In particular: -
· Technology, this discussion will investigate the extent to which technology has influenced the development and dynamic nature of 'twitching'.
· Mobility, to what extent this has become a central issue within the pursuit, and whether the need to be mobile is of greater importance than bird identification skills.
· Exclusion, this discussion aims to explore the internal exclusion within twitching and also have 'twitchers' excluded themselves from society or, conversely, has society excluded the twitcher. There is also a need to deal with why there are comparatively few females who participate in the hobby.
Finally, this investigation centers wholly on the most dominant of twitching cultures – that of Britain and Ireland – and there may be a tendency to relate the findings of this discussion to a global 'twitching' culture. Although there will be certain parallels, the size of each geographical recording area (Britain and Ireland, North America etc) and the society of the respective country will allow diversity between each 'twitching' culture.
2. Literature Review
'Birding develops from a lonely interest of seeing birds into a social frenzy… half the time you're in a car there’s constant banter and it’s hardly ever about tertial fringing or moult patterns… it's about other birders and their antics.' (Interview 1, p.2)
The complexity of contemporary populations has lead to an upturn in literature discussing marginalized groups in society and specific sub-cultures. The first practitioners of 'twitching', similar to Edensor's (2000) view to pioneer walkers, were intent on asserting their individuality and autonomy through the pursuit, partly as a means of rebellion against the bourgeois norms. It is through these values, and as Cocker (2001) aptly describes throughout his narrative, that the 'twitching' culture developed as a subsidiary to the hippie movement of the 1960s and early 1970s where the countryside was seen as a refuge from modernity (Barry, 1999: 99). As Whatmore (1997) urges the development of new understandings of life that seek to map the heterogeneous geographies of life, 'twitching' as a culture recognizes nature as 'an always already inhabited achievement of heterogeneous social encounters' (Whatmore, 1997: 44). The starting point of this understanding is the 'subjective' experience of place, how people come to interpret places, and to thus identify a human geography filled with emotions about places (Crang, M., 1998: 43). Within the culture, there a strong sense of spaces of identity with places such as the Isles of Scilly and Cley-next-the-Sea, Norfolk taking on a symbolic significance around which identities are constituted and performed (Hetherington, 1998). As Abraham (2000: 86) writes 'the annual October holiday on the Isles of Scilly was the highlight of the year for every birder during the eighties and up to 1,000 birders could be present on the islands in the peak weeks'.
Cultural geographies have looked at landscapes in many ways, and we cannot see landscapes as simply material features. The readings of landscapes come to mean different things to different people and their meanings change and are contested (Crang, M., 1998). Sites such as the Isles of Scilly are linked to the concept of social centrality, and it is these sites that characterize the elective identity of the twitching culture. Hetherington (1998: 107) argues that places, such as the Isles of Scilly in the context of twitching, have a social centrality such that 'they act like shrines for those who live outside of the conventions of society'. Indeed, as an alternative culture, twitching fits neatly into the concept of social centrality, whereby marginal spaces become symbolic and are spaces for the performance of identity. It must be noted that there is no evidence of narrative on the social centrality concept with respect to twitching in particular, yet due to birdwatchers visiting specific sites in order to watch birds, the identification of key sites provide a 'willful concentration which creates a node in a wider landscape of continual dispersion' (Shields, 1992: 103). Indeed, as rare species turn up at the same location on a regular basis, the 'twitcher’s landscape' can be referred to as a palimpsest with the earlier inscriptions being never fully erased so over time the result becomes a composite (Crang, M., 1998).
As each year passes, rare birds are located at the same spaces around Britain and Ireland, and as Oddie (1980: 26) depicts on his 'twitcher's' map of the British Isles, these places become etched on an individual's consciousness. Indeed, the landscape is made through a process whereby individuals actively engage in its framing representation, enticing the gathering of individual experiences to define popular conceptions of space. From a birder's perspective, the British Isles can be seen as a 'spatial diffusion of change' (Crang, M., 1998: 23) with the need for the Isles of Scilly, for example, needing to reciprocate the birds of the past in order to maintain it's reputation within the 'twitcher's' map of the British Isles. Likewise, new locations are likely to become embedded in this mental map of the British Isles and as a result Mike Crang's (1998) view of landscape as a palimpsest fits neatly into describing how vagrant species' and their occurrence patterns reshape and overwrite the 'twitcher's' map of the British Isles. However, twitching is less a set of symbols but is dynamically reshaped by the practices of its participants.
2.1 'Twitching' Practices
'Twitching' could be described as far away from conservation as capitalism itself, and there is a need to stray away from the conservation idea that often is associated with anyone interested in nature. Yet with increased urbanism and the spread of urban life in contemporary society, a profound cultural shift in how the natural environment is experienced has developed – urbanization has removed the natural environment from the everyday lives of people (Barry, 1999). In line with Barry (1999), the increase in the number of birders in recent years may be linked to the transcendentalist view that direct experience and appreciation of nature was a way to enter a higher realm of happiness, away from the mundane distractions of contemporary, urban society. Nevertheless, although far from a relaxing pursuit, twitching can be described as a form of escapism as 'the air is fresh, the body realizes its sensual capacities as it strains free from the chains of urban living, and our over-socialized identities are revealed as superficial in an epiphany of self-realization' (Edensor, 2000: 81).
As there has been relatively limited geographical research on 'twitching' as a culture, it is at this point that it must be emphasized that previous geographical literature has suggested that the countryside is a landscape that facilitates relaxation and, yet this is true with birdwatching, the 'twitcher' is excitable and 'being obsessive to the point of neurosis' (Webb, 1989: 156). Within the culture, there is an element that internal commentators refer to as an 'obsession'. Top British listers, such as Steve Webb and Richard Millington, are deemed 'obsessive' in the way that they would sacrifice anything, jeopardizing their jobs, in order to see a particular bird. At the time, this next bird is the most important thing in their life, yet as Kaufman (1997) explains, this bird has no durable value or value outside the culture, and it merely reflects a tick on a list. Whilst reviewing a year in his life where he attempted to see as many species as possible in North America, Kaufman (1997: 302) reflects on whether he had really achieved anything, by stating that 'maybe I had set a record – if it meant anything to set a record in a sport that had few fans, no professionals and no referees'.
With reference to Frude (1998) it can be debated whether or not twitching is an obsession, and may more likely be a compulsion with people 'predisposed to respond in an exaggerated fashion to intrusive thoughts and images. Such people become highly physiologically aroused by these cognitions, and are likely to experience acute anxiety' (Frude, 1998: 66). These conditions appear to aptly describe the compulsions felt by birders when a bird that they have never seen occurs, as opposed to a more physical, obsessional impulse that are 'recurrent urges to perform actions which would be dangerous, aggressive or socially embarrassing' (Frude, 1998: 61). The top birders feel compelled to see every new species that occurs, to maintain their position in the birding ranks, and it is through compulsions, as well as acute enthusiasm, that makes these grown men act like boys (Oddie, 1980).
2.2 A Place for Twitching In Cultural Geography
'The fact that as a discipline geography spans the natural and human sciences, might enable us to conclude that it is well placed to provide further insights into the human-nature interface, unattainable from other disciplinary standpoints' (Naylor, 2000:261). Indeed, since the mid-1990s the geography of animals has developed with the cultural meaning of non-human animals in the context of social life being of central importance to this discursive sub-discipline (Whatmore, 2000). Previously, animals had been relegated to the margins of geographical study, but a line of inquiry addressed by this new 'animal geography' is of relevance to placing the 'twitching' culture within a geographical context. It is imperative to understand that 'twitching' is not just a set of human practices, but animals (birds) play an integral part. Over time, the living spaces of 'wild' animals have been refashioned by a range of social practices (Whatmore, 2000), be it the eradication of habitat by human settlement or by the increase in the number of birdwatchers who are more aware of species in the contemporary period than previously. Although not directly refashioning the living spaces of birds, birding has allowed an increased knowledge as to where the most important locations are for threatened species, both on a national and global scale. Organizations such as the RSPB and Birdlife International refashion the landscape, using purchasing power to acquire land, building habitat for birds in a contrary manner to the detrimental capitalist land use system – yet, surprisingly, conservation is often as man-made a device as capitalism.
The geography of animals has destroyed the nature-culture boundary, and this discussion aims to add to this sub-discipline and illustrate the permeability between nature and culture with respect to twitching. Until recently, writers within the pursuit have used the social aspects of twitching as a backdrop to explain, or describe, the occurrence of vagrant species and it was not until Cocker's (2001) Birder's: Tales of a Tribe that the social ingredients of the twitching culture were formally recognized. Cocker (2001: 45-47) suggests that birding lies almost outside our sense of social hierarchy in Britain, though internal politics within the birding community make the pursuit far from free of division. Temporarily the status of the individual is eroded in favour of a transient group - 'the tribe'- as individuals identification (in this case the twitcher) are aligned with the norms of these transient groups (Maffesoli, 1992: 50). Indeed, Cocker (2001: 46-55) uses a rather tongue-in-cheek classificatory system to identify 'eight sub-clans in the tribe' – ranging from the robin stroker to the birder/twitcher. In align with this, Cocker reproduces many personal accounts which are based on experiences within the late 1970s and early 1980s – so, to a large extent, Cocker leaves the progressive, technologically aware, twenty-first century 'twitcher' relatively unexplored.
2.3 Discussion Focus
The twitching sub-culture, as previously discussed, mediates itself through a set of social practices that are determined by animal behaviour (bird vagrancy). What I am particularly interested in is the way in which these social practices are associated with underlying geographical themes of technology, mobility and exclusion. By undertaking qualitative research with contemporary members of the pursuit, this thesis wishes to explore these underlying themes, exploring and emphasizing their dynamic nature, and grounding them within a geographical context. To clarify the focus of this discussion, the remainder of this section focuses on the three sub-divisions previously outlined and relates them to contemporary literature: -
2.3a Technology
Before the development of the birding phenomenon in post-1970 Britain and Ireland is explained, it is necessary to relate these changes to the post-industrial society. In this world of exclusively human achievement nature appears to be relentlessly and comprehensively colonized by culture (Whatmore, 1999). Humanist geographical accounts of late-twentieth/early-twenty-first century society have tended to fix attention on the powers of the human imagination and domination, ignoring the multitude of other 'natural' lives. McKibben (1990) argues that nature in its true sense has been eradicated by the industrialization of human society, and there is a binary division between nature and culture in descriptions of the contemporary world. In using birdwatching as a focus of this discussion, the rethinking of the 'human' in Human Geography can be illustrated. Whatmore (1999) suggests that a new focus on 'animal' geographies is emerging which seeks to demonstrate the ways in which animals are caught up in all manner of social networks, countering the view of the binary division between nature and culture. It is this notion that emphasizes the need to understand how the twitching culture has been fashioned by the habits of the birds themselves, paralleled with human technological innovation and advanced mobility.
With specific reference to technology, Lowe et al (1990) review the rural environment yet the relevance of agriculture and biotechnological advances to the twitching culture is somewhat restricted. In the context of birding, the only issue that academia has developed is that of population dynamics – where the increase in pesticides and the reduction in the amount of hedgerows, have created a reduction in the population of bird species (Lowe et al, 1990). Therefore, there is a need to develop birding narrative on technology within the hobby, and place it within a geographical context. In his short article, Abraham (2000) details the development of birding/twitching and directly ties this increase in popularity with the advent of a national Birdline (from 1986). Never before has there been so much information available to ‘twitchers’, whether it be via the pagers or on the Internet, yet one must not forget that the availability and affordability of optics has helped to increase the numbers of individuals who participate in the pursuit (Harris, 1999). With the emergence of new technology, Harris (1999: 13) suggests that 'the whole tempo of birding has been upped, and the numbers who spend their leisure time in pursuit of birds are quite staggering in comparison with even 20 years ago'. In a similar vein, Moss (2000) suggests that technology has never moved at such a pace and, 'love him or loathe him, techno-birder is here to stay' (Moss, 2000: 9)
2.3b Mobility
The twitching culture has attained a societal structure based, to an extent, on the size of an individuals' bird species list and bird identification ability thereby 'detaching the individual from their place in the social structure (and loosening) the moorings of their culturally constructed self' (Jarvis, 1997: 37, in Edensor, 2000: 86). With the increase in technology, telephones and pager services alike, there is 'instant access to the rare bird information for every birder who wanted it' (Abraham, 2000: 86). Although this statement is slightly over-exaggerating the mobility of the ‘twitcher’, there are certain groups who are organized in a way that they are able to fly from one location to a far-flung destination on one of the Scottish islands at a moment’s notice. As Webb (1989) describes his Isles of Scilly to Shetland experience, there is a realization that if one is to pursue twitching at the highest level, then raw financial backing is a necessity as being able to 'materialize £600 in a flash' (Webb, 1989:161) is often needed to fly at short notice internally within the British Isles. Though such an effort is largely confined to the upper echelons of the 'twitching' culture, there is an instant need to be mobile, whether it be on a national level or merely from the front door to the local 'patch'.
However, as Cocker (2001) suggests, twitching involves two basic constituents – time and money. 'Usually it absorbs time and money in sizeable quantities. Most people can mange to solve half the equation. Acquiring a job settles the question of finance. Quitting the job then resolves the shortage of time. But the deep-seated challenge facing birders is to have both simultaneously' (Cocker, 2001: 179). Certainly with an increase in car ownership, mobility has increased (Harris, 2000) but the need for unpredictable, instantaneous mobility cannot be underestimated. A critique of current birding literature on mobility is that there is an over-generalized 'feel', with authors such as Cocker (2001) and Millington (1981) largely drawing from their own experiences and being fairly hesitant in acknowledging the mobility of those people who have not been directly involved in the authors' events. As such, there is a need to detail the common mobility problems that occur to every twitcher at some point in time, but also to recognize the specific mobility and logistic decisions that often face the more 'hard-core' element. Indeed, current literature on mobility within the pursuit has failed to depict that increased mobility has led to exclusionary consequences.
2.3c Exclusion
'She actually knew a lot about birds. In spite of myself, I was beginning to be impressed' (Kaufman, 1997: 211). Although Warren (1997) illustrates the fully enhanced role of women with respect to nature, for example in conservation work, this is not the case within the 'twitching' fraternity. In so far as there being no prominent female within the birding literature, female exclusion within twitching remains largely unexplored. Parallels can be drawn, to an extent, from the work of feminist scholars within the geography discipline, and it is important to include the view that interpretations are context-bound and partial (Pratt, 2000), and to situate them within the ‘twitching’ culture.
The 1970s saw an increase in the number of individuals interested in rare birds, but with no 'official' rare bird grapevine, only those who were part of the national system normally received news. Therefore, many people who were interested in rare birds were excluded, not intentionally, from doing so. Interrelated with an increase in technology, the establishment of a national Birdline and then the regional Birdlines (from 1989) meant that for the first time there was instant access to the rare bird information for every birder who wanted it. As Abraham (2000) suggests when referring to the massive crowds that occur due to rare birds, exclusion has become, generally speaking, a thing of the past. Yet within this discussion there will be a focus upon the extent to which exclusion still occurs, in particular at the more competitive end of the pursuit. Secondly, the culture is one dominated by males, and there is a need to develop an understanding of why this is so, and whether females simply opt out of the twitching pursuit or that there is an internal trait that discourages female participation.
3. Methodology
The basic need to supplement existing studies with primary research data cannot be over-emphasized. In this section, an overview of the ethnographic methods used to gain an insight into the twitching culture will be detailed and where appropriate, the context of the researcher, in relationship to the researched, will be explained. Primarily it is important to realize the influence that the researcher has on the subject and the outcome of the research project, constructed out of an intersubjective research process always saturated with relations of power/knowledge (Cook et al, 1995). As much as the researcher is embedded within the subject of the research, so too is the researched. A person's identity can be understood as an assemblage of thoughts, feelings and memories that do not fit together in a dedicated pattern and the researcher should take account of this by recognizing that their enquiries will be 'both partial and positioned within a particular web of interdependencies whose horizons will define the limits of possible interpretation' (Cook et al, 1995: 13).
3.1 Participant Observation
As the twitching culture is fashioned by bird vagrancy, it was necessary to be mobile and experience the social interactions involved. As a consequence, by deliberately immersing myself and participating in the rhythms and routines of the ‘twitching’ community – combined with 'objective' observation – a greater understanding of the culture ensued (Cook, 1997). Being already a member of the twitching fraternity, the ability to access the research community was not an issue, yet the role I pursued within the culture was more significant. I decided to travel to each 'twitch' in solitude during the study period, as external influence by passengers may have influenced my findings. Although the first twitch I ever experienced was in 1986, during the study period I aimed to complement my previous immersed experience of the culture with one of detachment. Therefore, it was often the case that I would stand away from the crowd and observe and take notes of the group dynamics, as opposed to being drawn into subjective conversation with the proportion of the crowd that knew me. By already being a member of the ‘twitching’ community, it was at this early stage that I realized that scientific objectivity was not possible, an issue often deemed as such by humanistic geographers (Cook et al, 1995, Parsons et al, 1995). By combining the participatory and observatory roles of my fieldwork, my research was constructed into a field diary – with observation of the crowd in general providing a structure in which my personal encounters could be placed in context.
3.2 Focus Groups
Research is always bound up in networks of power/knowledge and is, therefore, inherently political. With this in mind, I constructed a focus group that would allow different voices within the community to divulge, yet simultaneously the issue of over-familiarity and exclusion by some members of the group needed to be considered. As a consequence, and due to myself being positioned 'within' the community, I invited five people to the focus group. From the outset, however, the group dynamics were challenging with the masculine environment often causing a challenge to me, the researcher, as it was sometimes necessary to directly ask the sole female subject a question. However, as group members bounced ideas off each other, the focus group became instrumental in obtaining individual viewpoints in respect to the various aspects of the research project.
3.3 Interviews
Each interview had to be approached differently and although a conversation often evolved between myself, the researcher, and the subject, it was most important not to stray away from the semi-structured 'shopping list' of topics that were emphasized for the research project (Crang, 1997). When such an occasion did arise, it was relatively straightforward to re-adjust the conversation back to a topic of relevance. As Schoenberger (1992) suggests, there is a need to be self-critical of your interviewing technique and the effect that it may have had on the outcome of your study, and in this instance it is necessary to be aware that the subject has an informed opinion of the interviewer. One could stress that the informal context that the interview was conducted has strayed away from the 'objective, detached researcher' so often strived for in previous, ‘masculinist’ geographies (Valentine, 1997) yet an informal setting is likely to allow the subject to expand upon their ideas more easily, the reason that second interviews often are conducted.
3.4 Questionnaires
Throughout the research period, I was acutely aware that only seven people out of the twitching community had voiced their opinions, via either/both the focus group or interview. In order to gain an overview of opinions within the community, it was decided to undertake a questionnaire. Due to the geographical dispersion of twitchers, I needed to either conduct a postal or telephone response strategy. According to Parfitt (1997) response rates for telephone-conducted questionnaires are relatively high in comparison to postal responses, and therefore I conducted a pilot survey using the focus group/interview members over the telephone. Acknowledging that I had included a couple of double-barreled questions in the pilot survey such as 'Have you ever used a boat or aeroplane/helicopter and spent over £200 to see a bird?' the questionnaire design was amended with a basic categorical response of Yes/No being used in order for simplicity over the telephone. 'Closed questioning', such as this, enables standardization of answers to ease analysis procedures yet it also restricts respondents from expanding upon a simple Yes/No answer.
Measures of attitude, previously apparent on the pilot survey, were deemed too subjective to be of any measurable use in adding to the findings of the research project. As the key aspects of the research project had already been defined, the use of questionnaires merely corresponds to gaining a representative attitude of the various issues raised from the ‘twitching’ community as a whole. 50 respondents were interviewed and were randomly selected from the UK400 Club listings as at 22nd September 2001 (Evans, 2001: 152-157). It must be remembered that a limitation to this sampling method is the sampling error (Parfitt, 1997) - due to the relatively small sample used due to logistical constraints, the overall results may not be wholly representational of the population. With the experience from this survey, it must be stressed that an 'outside' interviewer may not have been able to gain such contacts, and as a consequence it is always necessary to realize the intersubjectivity of undertaking a research project.
4. Analysis
'To see birding as a drug… perhaps but it's not about physical addiction, it's more about anticipation… birding is one of the few things in life which isn’t predictable.' (Interview 2, p.8)
Using the qualitative research sources previously outlined, this section examines opinions and observations in detail, in order to further the geographical understanding of this specific sub-culture and its internal traits. Although the twitcher is maligned by external stereotyping and within the birdwatching community, 100% of respondents identified themselves as a such - despite the general belief that this appellation is denied by the twitchers themselves (Oddie, 1980; Cocker, 2001). In addition, 98% of respondents stated that their twitching interests had developed through an initial interest in birds, and they started to 'twitch' when they had exhausted their enjoyment that they got out of seeing the common birds (Focus Group p.8). The following discussion facilitates internal representations of the twitcher, adding informed opinion to already available literature whilst situating the debate within the geographical context previously discussed.
Research findings advocate each individual draws upon their experience of twitching nostalgically but also as a booster to illustrate their keenness. Indeed, one respondent recollects how they 'ended up driving almost non-stop, in a convoy of three cars, from Ullapool to Land's End' (Focus Group p.4). What is evident within the pursuit is the overall experience of a 'twitch', a combination of escapism and voyeur that overrides the simple notion of looking at a bird. Even within the twitcher category of birdwatching, it is evident that there are some divisions, based on self-desire or competitive listing. As one respondent notes, 'there are thousands of people who twitch, but out of those there's probably less than a hundred who are near on obsessive' (Focus Group, p.10). Similar to Cocker's (2001) notion that the pursuit encapsulates a high degree of dedication compared to many other hobbies, research findings show the dedication of individuals to the cause. Many twitchers frame their whole life around the pursuit, including their place of work, habitude and only going on holiday at certain times of year when new species of bird are unlikely to be found. This mentality can be provided by the notion that 'a lot of the time an everyday, normal life would be ideal but once you’ve got hooked and keep going for birds, it’s very difficult to stop' (Focus Group, p.10). The dedication of participants of the pursuit is illustrated by the findings illustrated below (Figure 3)
|
work |
70% |
|
partner/family |
16% |
|
Social |
22% |
The figure above illustrates: Sacrifices made by questionnaire respondents in order to go on a twitch, as a percentage of total responses. Note that multiple answers were given by several respondents (hence total is >100%).
The twitching community is made up of two distinct groups, based on age, that each individual is able to categorize himself or herself within. The history of the pursuit is seen by respondents to begin in the late 1960s/early 1970s and the individuals involved in its inauguration show a tendency to resent, or deem worthless, the new 'youth brigade' of twitcher. This is due to the fact that in the early years, you had to be a good birdwatcher i.e. being able to find species yourself (Interview 2, p.2) in comparison to nowadays when technology is the main aid used to see birds. As a consequence, many of these 'old school' individuals have made birding as a career by either running information networks or becoming tour guides for birding companies. Yet throughout the twitching community there is a perception that you need a 'birding apprenticeship' – 'you need to see and be familiar with all the common species before you have a right to go and see these rare species' (Interview 1, p.3). The knowledge that each individual draws upon nowadays lays its foundation in the early years of the pursuit. Indeed, the early years of the pursuit were about exploration and this all stemmed from the increase in the number of bird observatories, as Vinicombe (1996) discusses.
4.1 'Twitching' Life and Experience
'We didn't have a normal life and for probably a third of the year, we lived on some of the remotest islands in Britain and Ireland. I used to go to Shetland in spring, then in summer go to Cape Clear, the rest of the autumn was spent alternating from Scilly to Shetland.' (Interview 2, p.2-3)
Each member of the pursuit, drawing upon their own experience of where they have or haven’t seen birds, has developed a 'mental map' of the British Isles. One respondent suggests 'when you see the bird the place smells of roses but when you dip (don’t see the bird) the place name haunts you' (Focus Group, p.9). It is remarkable to note how villages, or small islands, are known to all of the 'twitching' fraternity yet to anybody else, these names are meaningless. The particularity of favourite birding locations, and the reasons for this, is neatly framed in the figure below.
|
|
TOTAL |
Rare birds |
Atmosphere |
Home county |
Find birds |
No crowds |
|
Isles of Scilly |
23 |
23 |
12 |
|
|
|
|
Shetland |
8 |
7 |
3 |
|
3 |
3 |
|
Norfolk |
5 |
5 |
3 |
1 |
|
|
|
Yorkshire coast |
3 |
3 |
|
3 |
|
|
|
Suffolk |
2 |
2 |
|
1 |
|
|
|
Hebrides |
2 |
1 |
|
|
|
1 |
|
Ireland |
1 |
1 |
|
|
|
1 |
|
Dorset |
1 |
1 |
|
1 |
|
|
|
Worcestershire |
1 |
|
|
1 |
|
|
|
Lancashire |
1 |
|
|
1 |
|
|
|
North Wales |
1 |
|
|
1 |
|
|
|
No preference |
2 |
2 |
|
|
|
|
Although the birding fraternity views locations such as the Isles of Scilly and Shetland as 'rarity hotspots', findings illustrate that other locations are known due to one, rare bird. One response in the above for the Outer Hebrides being 'favourite location' was based on one bird - a Long-Tailed Shrike, an immensely rare bird. Similarly, respondents symbolically use a bird that they have been to see to sum up the whole experience of the trip. For example, 'the Nighthawk' was cited as one respondent as their favourite trip (Interview 1, p.7) – yet the ambiguity of this trip description, considering that there have been over 20 records of this species in Britain and Ireland, can only be linked by those who have shared experiences. It can be stated that these rare birds are celebrities, both in their physical presence yet also in the distance that they have traveled in order to reach Britain and Ireland – with the mere 'viewing' of a bird being only a partial capsulation of what each rare bird represents to the 'twitching' fraternity (Focus Group, p.2).
Macro-economic/social processes can neatly frame the early movements of the twitching tribe. Shetland was used as a base camp by many top twitchers as, due to the discovery and excavation of North Sea oil, there was a good opportunity to work, combine it with birding and get paid well for it. As a consequence of all the birders working and living together, 'Shetland was the place where my generation bonded and made birding what it is today' (Interview 2, p.4). The contemporary twitching scene, as described by Cocker (2001), stems from a subsidiary of the nationwide hippy culture. Hitching and discovery were an integral part of the early years of the pursuit, looked upon by participants of that era as the 'golden age of birding'. There is, in many quarters, growing dissatisfaction of the contemporary twitching scene due to the heavy dependency on technology and the reliance on the motorcar to see birds. The remainder of this discussion focuses upon research findings, analyzing them within the respective topics previously outlined.
4.2 Technology
'It's like giving an alcoholic the choice of whether they want a drink of vodka or Coke. You can either opt out and stay as you were – if there is all this new technology then you don’t necessarily have to use it – but on the other hand you can utilize these things and help yourself to see new birds.' (Interview 2, p.7)
Technology has influenced the pursuit since the early 1980s, and it is a deterministic factor that has affected mobility and exclusion within the pursuit. 100% of questionnaire respondents said that technology has had an impact on the pursuit. Also, all respondents owned a mobile telephone and 98% of respondents owned a pager for birding. This latter device is connected to a central network, and when a new bird is found it is relayed to all subscribers. The increase in technology has seen a transformation in the way in which participants pursue the hobby with car and mobile phone dependency replacing exploration and strategic positioning. Whilst observing crowd dynamics, the domination of pagers and mobile phones was noticeable. This 'technological noise' has violated and transcended the roots of the pursuit, in which original participants saw it as escapism from city life and capitalist society (Interview 2, p.2-3). Many scenarios have arisen at twitches, during the study period, when people asked others if they could switch their phones/pagers onto ‘silent’. Before the advent of Birdlines (a telephone service detailing rare bird occurrences) in the 1980s, each individual had their own 'grapevine' – a network where one person rings somebody else who rings somebody else. Yet not everybody owned a telephone, and there were occasions when ‘twitchers’ corresponded to each other via postcards (Interview 1, p.5). Using 'grapevines', it would often take days for information to reach an individual, and as a consequence people used to 'dip' (not see birds) more. The early 1980s saw the foundations of a bird information service, at 'Nancy's' café at Cley, Norfolk. Due to Cley already being a major hub in the British birding scene, this information service allowed people to drop in whilst in the area or phone up the café to see what was around. However, due it being constantly engaged when there was something good around, the service was relatively ineffective and from 1987, Birdline was initiated to provide up-to-the-minute news of rare bird occurrences (Interview 1, p.5).
The impact that this technological development had was immense, and coinciding with its development the number of 'twitchers' rapidly increased. Respondents suggest that the late 1980s/early 1990s were when crowds peaked, largely due to the fact that the widening of information increased numbers of people involved and also the fact that as a lot of people started the pursuit at this time, they hadn’t seen many species of bird and consequently went to see the next bird of that species. With the breakthrough of the pager, and the instantaneous news that it provides, 'people who are closest will see it first and then there will be people arriving from all sorts of distances - in the old days, this didn’t happen as everybody traveled overnight and therefore there was a much larger crowd at dawn the next day' (Interview 1, p.6). It is evident that since pagers have penetrated the pursuit, the whole tempo of ‘twitching’ has increased in line with Moss (2000). Although pagers have allowed the broadcasting of instantaneous news, 'you know what you're going to see as it tells you on the pager so there is little challenge in the identification aspect of birding' (Interview 1, p.3). Respondents were split in terms of their view of whether or not pager prevalence would remain in five years time. Of those who thought that the pager would become outdated, the most popular answer was that text messaging would replace the current pager system. However, this was on a caveat that phone memory capacity would have to be increased in order to facilitate the large number of daily messages that the twitching fraternity receives. An alternative suggestion is the Internet, yet 'it's the case of how many people have access to the Internet while they’re standing at some place looking at a bird' (Interview 1, p.8). Although Figure 5 states the reluctance of the acceptance of technology by some individuals, in order to see as many species as possible twitchers have undoubtedly realized the importance that it plays within their pursuit.
4.3 Mobility
'The Mega-alert goes off on the pager and you just have to go… wherever you are, whoever you are with… an everyday, normal life would be ideal but once you’ve got hooked and keep going for birds, it's very difficult to stop.' (Focus Group, p.10)
Due to the increase in the availability of rare bird news, mobility within the pursuit has increased. However, research findings suggest that Naish's (2000) instant mobility of the twitcher is far from accurate and that the rapid movement of individuals to see rare birds is confined to the upper echelons of the pursuit. Within contemporary population, individuals involved in the pursuit can be defined as some of the best traveled within Britain and Ireland, with many claiming that they have visited every British and Irish county. Due to the advent of the previously described technological developments, one would presume that it is possible to see every rare bird that occurs in Britain. Many individuals strive to ascertain this, yet the mobile nature of bird species often compromises a twitchers possibility of seeing that bird. Research findings illustrate the prevalence of boats and aeroplanes/helicopters within the pursuit, with all questionnaire respondents saying that they have used a boat to see a bird, and 96% having used an aeroplane or helicopter to see a bird.
The increase in mobility within the pursuit can be linked, to some extent, to the increase in wealth of its participants and a general increase in car ownership and affordability. The pioneer individuals of the 1970s were relatively young and relied heavily on hitching due to the lack of funds that they had. 'When you haven't got a car, hitching is the only way and in those days it was relatively common to see people hitching. There weren't the dangers that there are now, or so we were meant to believe' (Interview 2, p.3).
Due to the increased commercial aspects of the pursuit, and also their well-trained birding knowledge, nowadays these people are able to fund themselves through birding as well as use an ever-expanding network of individuals who are able to relay their news instantaneously. But as the pursuit often depends upon capitalist organizations, such as ferry and air travel companies, money is a crucial factor involved. 'It used to all be about hitching, dedication and discovery but now it’s all about money' (Interview 2, p.5). Birds most often occur in the most remote, far-flung areas of the country and to be able to see these birds, individuals have to be poised with contingency plans to get from the area that they are situated to the site of the bird in as quick a time as possible. It is always the same people who are first to see every bird, due to logistics and knowing pilots who can fly at a moment's notice.
The 'twitcher' needs to be mobile, yet the heterogeneous definition of mobile is entwined within the boundaries of each person's bank account and time constraints. In order to have money to spend on the pursuit it is essential for an individual to work, yet simultaneously this work factor imposes time restrictions - it is those who find a happy medium who are the most successful (Interview 2, p.5). Therefore, the simple notion of travel mobility needs to be understood within the context of 'twitching' alongside the restrictions imposed by everyday life. 'If there is a really rare bird near London… there is going to be a massive crowd compared to that if the same species turned up on Shetland or Orkney – up there, you'd only really get the hardcore element' (Interview 1, p.6). Research suggests that although the pursuit is far from predictable in terms of the location that each bird will be located, there is an element of predictability in terms of the timing of rare birds. Indeed, the 'Scilly' season each year is based upon an assumption that the best birds will be located on the Isles of Scilly in the peak month of the year, October.
To increase mobility, the majority of twitchers sever work commitments, by taking holiday, when birds are most likely to turn up. In extreme cases, people have been known to reject overseas work placements due to this imposing the worst restriction on mobility - being out of the country (Focus Group 1, p.10). As mobility within the pursuit has increased significantly within the past two decades, an exclusionary bi-product has been produced. This ranges from the increasing dependence on swift, expensive transport methods, thus excluding those with limited finances, and also the growing number of people within the pursuit has been disproportionately male-based.
4.4 Exclusion
'I've never understood how it costs as much to fly from Heathrow to Shetland as it does from Heathrow to Los Angeles… flying internally within the British Isles is so expensive… especially as us birders need to get a seat on the next available plane.' (Interview 3, p.6)
An exclusionary landscape exists within the twitching fraternity. Analysis suggests that internal exclusion prevails yet, more importantly, the pursuit has developed excluding outsiders who may be initially repelled by the unique vocabulary and specialization involved. Colloquialisms of bird names, as well as the dropping/ abbreviation of forenames e.g. Red-Breasted Flycatcher to RB Fly, as well as the assemblage of new words have become an integral part of the pursuit’s vocabulary. To the researched these words are emotive, with 'dipping' meaning not seeing a bird that you have been for and, conversely, 'gripping off' symbolizing an experience where the participant was one of few to have seen the respective bird. As a consequence, the understanding of twitching can be best understood using the thoughts of its' participants and the way in which the pursuit is inherently exclusive.
Exclusion is based outside the normal societal structure - individuals are included due to the number of species that they have seen or who they know. The specific nature of this statement is based upon the fact that deliberate exclusion does not occur within the pursuit, yet with a limited amount of availability e.g. for a certain charter flight, it is inevitable that some individuals are excluded. 98% of questionnaire respondents stressed the need to have contacts within the pursuit. There are, however, internal networks that have developed where one individual knows a pilot and 'it is only natural to include those closest to them' (Focus Group, p.6). More general exclusion, based on time and money, also occurs within the pursuit, yet individuals who are dedicated have prioritized twitching and channeled their resources from elsewhere into the pursuit. 52% of respondents have spent more than £200 on one single bird; illustrating both the commitment of participants to their pursuit yet simultaneously illustrating that to compete there is a broader monetary issue.
Observation of on-site crowds revealed that divisions were evident, with small groups freely speaking amongst themselves with limited interaction with the rest of the crowd. In one instance, where a proportion of the crowd had seen the bird and the rest had not, two crowds began to emerge – one of excitement and elation and the other subdued and full of worry and anticipation. The hierarchical structure of the pursuit was demonstrated by an event where a top lister (somebody who has seen a lot of bird species) barged to the front of the crowd, getting in the way of other birders, as he felt that seeing that bird was more important to him than anybody else present. Some individuals who have dedicated their lives to the pursuit willfully exclude others purely on the basis of their demeanour and selective networking.
4.4a Gender Exclusion
'I don’t really know that many women capable of driving overnight from the South of England to somewhere like Aberdeen or Inverness… it’s like lorry driving, there's not too many women in that either.' (Interview 1, p.6)
All aspects of the pursuit are dominated by a distinct gender bias, suggestive of female exclusion. However, research shows that there is no significant reason for this male domination and it may simply be linked to the historical inertia of the pursuit. Nevertheless, field observations have revealed a severe lack of females in twitching crowds. For example, out of a crowd of 100 people in Nottinghamshire in May 2001, 8 were female. As one female respondent states 'the only girls you see at twitches are girlfriends, those girls that have come out with their boyfriends because they fancied a trip out to the countryside' (Interview 3, p.1). It is evident that traditional gender roles prevail within the pursuit, with male participants viewing females as weaker with less stamina, a trait that is needed within the pursuit. As suggested previously in this discussion, and by respondents, the competitive nature of the pursuit may not appeal to females – it is interesting to note the even gender membership of a general bird society such as the RSPB yet in this competitive subsidiary the male gender predominates.
When asked whether gender is a factor in exclusion, 44% of questionnaire responses suggest that the lack of females within the pursuit is a problem. Additionally, when asked whether twitching is dominated by a certain genre of people, 7 respondents stated that men dominated the pursuit. In a sector dominated by males, one female interviewee explains that she has never encountered serious exclusion, yet does explain that when she is in a group of men and an outsider asks them 'what is around?' eye contact with her is rarely made (Interview 3, p.1). In a similar vein, the same female was reluctant to apply for a position with a bird information company as 'imagine some hyper-alert, agitated bloke ringing up and being confronted by a woman's voice' (interview 3, p.4). Female 'twitchers' participate in a masculine environment and appear to be content with a passive role in the pursuit. There has, as yet, been no attempt by individuals to reform this gender bias and as such females within the pursuit remain a minority, but not excluded, population. Research suggests that the 'soft-skilled' ability of the female gender is better channeled elsewhere within the ecological/conservation framework, and that macho skills of stamina and competitiveness are not as appealing to females as they are to the male gender.
5. Conclusion
This discussion has focused upon twitching as a culture, stating that participants play a more active role than simply looking at bird species in Britain and Ireland. From the days of discovery and exploration through to the contemporary technological period, twitching has developed internally through influences that are enforced upon its participants in their everyday lives. Notions of increased methods of communications and the increase in car ownership are integral to a general understanding of the development of the pursuit yet the influence of the contemporary twitching population and their ideas lie at the heart of shaping the culture in the future. In understanding the culture, this discussion issues a need to stray away from escapism ideas, such as Edensor (2000), and relate it to issues of technology, mobility and exclusion. Although the cause of participants to commence the pursuit may be based to some extent on escapism, there is a requirement for further study on the psychological behaviour entwined within the culture. As Cocker (2001) suggests there are very few pursuits that can rival twitching with respect to the dedication of its participants with normal lives being sacrificed in order to participate. This discussion has unearthed the need to understand the mobility needed and unpredictability involved with being a twitcher.
The core finding of this research project is that technology is an extremely influential determinant in affecting participant's enjoyment of the pursuit and also affecting the number of individuals who twitch. In addition, the other two core areas of the thesis, mobility and exclusion, are directly linked to technological developments. This study has also highlighted that the participants in contemporary twitching cannot be categorized into a certain social group, unlike the hippy generation involved in the early years of the pursuit. Bank managers, lawyers, Oxbridge graduates as well as plumbers, carpenters and the unemployed – these individuals are able to talk on a 'level playing field' with list size transcending the hierarchical social structures. Combined with theses internally defined structures, the internal vocabulary and the way in which twitchers view the landscape of Britain and Ireland need to be thoroughly examined in order to gain a fuller appreciation of the pursuit - Crang's (1998) view of landscape as a palimpsest provides a notion to commence this research. However, participants' experiences combined with the 'animal' element, in this case rare bird vagrancy to Britain and Ireland, is integral to the way in which the sub-culture acknowledges the collapse of the nature/culture dialectic (Cosgrove, 2000), where neat divisions of culture and nature become problematized.
This discussion has emphasized popular geographical notions of technology, mobility and exclusion within a sub-culture and has purely intended to provoke interest for further geographical study on this particular sub-culture. During the research it was apparent that the homogenous stereotyping of twitching from outside the pursuit merely captures a minority, and that there are internal traits that need further documentation. Although Oddie (1980) reveals the unique vocabulary within the pursuit, there is no evidence of how words such as dipped and gripped off became a central part of participants' vocabulary. The abbreviations and notations that are in general use within the pursuit require further study and this may perhaps be best addressed within the birding literature due to a thorough understanding of the pursuit being a necessity. Further geographical study into this particular sub-culture may be hampered by the exclusivity involved within the pursuit. Within the last 7 years, 2 documentaries aimed to capture the dynamics of the pursuit and when released, top twitchers deemed their representation as unjust. Due to external, media representations there is a large element of internal skepticism and this may hamper future research into the pursuit.
Until birding literature focuses on the future, instead of nostalgically focusing on the past, there is space for external sources to focus upon the contemporary twitching scene. However, difficulties involved within researching the pursuit remain as prevalent as they are within any other sub-culture research. The need to find gatekeepers and in turn relay trust to participants are the initial boundaries that have to be crossed. In so far as doing this, this discussion has re-addressed contemporary twitching culture building on current literature to address notions of technology, mobility and exclusion. The work of Cocker (2001) is an excellent nostalgic insight into the foundations of the culture, yet although widely recognized by its participants, the pursuit is in a state of constant change. Capturing this change, with respect to contemporary society, is where a geographical or anthropological stance is needed. This discussion has outlined the culture and hopefully will provide the stimuli for others to focus on particularities in detail.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abraham, E.J. (2000), 'Millennium Birding – looking backwards to the future!' in Davies, A. and Roberts, O. (eds) North West Birding, 1:2, 82 – 87.
Barry, . (1999), Environment and Social Theory, Routledge, London.
Brydges, A. (1998), 'Twitching the Daurian Starling' in Evans, L.G.R (ed) Rare Birds, 4:6, 369.
Crang, M. (1998), Cultural Geography, Routledge, London.
Crang, P. (2000), 'Cultural Turn', in Johnston, R.J., Gregory, D., Pratt, G. and Watts, M. (eds) The Dictionary of Human Geography 4th edn., Blackwell, Oxford, 141 – 142.
Cocker, M. (2001), Birders: Tales of a Tribe, Jonathan Cape, London.
Cook, I. and Crang, M. (1995), Concepts and Techniques in Modern Geography – Doing Ethnographies, Environmental Publications, Norwich.
Cosgrove, D.E. (2000), 'Culture', in Johnston, R.J., Gregory, D., Pratt, G. and Watts, M. (eds) The Dictionary of Human Geography 4th edn., Blackwell, Oxford, 143 – 146.
Cook, I. (1997), 'Participant observation' in Flowerdew, R. and Martin, D. (eds) Methods in Human Geography: a Guide for Students doing a Research Project, Longman, Harlow, 127 – 149.
Crang, M. (1997), 'Analyzing qualitative materials' in Flowerdew, R. and Martin, D. (eds) Methods in Human Geography: a Guide for Students doing a Research Project, Longman, Harlow, 183 – 196.
Edensor, T. (2000), 'Walking in the British Countryside: Reflexivity, Embodied Practices and Ways to Escape', in Body and Society, Sage, London, Vol.6 (3-4): 81 – 106.
Evans, L.G.R. (2001), Rare Birds Spring 2001, LGRE Publications, Amersham, 7:2.
Frude, N. (1998), Understanding Abnormal Psychology, Blackwell, Oxford.
Harris, T. (1999), 'A millennium of birds', in Mitchell, D. (ed), Birdwatch, Solo, London, 90: 6 –13.
Hetherington, K. (1998) Expressions of Identity: Space, Performance, Politics, Sage, London.
Kaufman, K. (1997), Kingbird Highway – The story of a Natural Obsession that Got a Little Out of Hand, Mariner, New York.
Lowe, P., Marsden, T. and Whatmore, S. (1990), Technological Change and the Rural Environment, David Fulton, London.
Maffesoli, M. (1992), The Time of Tribes, Sage, London.
McKibben, B. (1990), The End of Nature, Penguin, Harmondsworth.
Millington, R. (1981), A Twitcher’s Diary: The Birdwatching Year of Richard Millington, Blandford, London.
Moss, S. (2000), 'The golden years', in Mitchell, D. (ed), Birdwatch, Solo, London, 100: 6 – 10.
Naish, J. (2000), 'Look, a flock of twitchers', in The Time’s Weekend, Saturday 18th March 2000, 19.
Naylor, S. (2000), 'Nature and Society', in Cook, I., Crouch, D., Naylor, S. and Ryan, J.R. (eds) Cultural Turns/Geographical Turns, Pearson, London, 261 – 264.
Oddie, W.E. (1980), Bill Oddie’s Little Black Bird Book, Robson, London.
Parfitt, J. (1997), 'Questionnaire design and sampling', in Flowerdew, R. and Martin, D. (eds) Methods in Human Geography: a Guide for Students doing a Research Project, Longman, Harlow, 76 – 109.
Parsons, T. and Knight, P.G. (1995), How to do your Dissertation in Geography and Related Disciplines, Chapman and Hall, London.
Pratt, G. (2000), 'Feminist Geographies', in Johnston, R.J., Gregory, D., Pratt, G. and Watts, M. (eds) The Dictionary of Human Geography 4th edn., Blackwell, Oxford, 258 – 262.
Schoenberger, E. (1992), 'Self-criticism and self-awareness in research: a reply to Linda McDowell' in Professional Geographer 44 (2): 215 – 218.
Shields, R. (1992), 'Individuals, Consumption Cultures and the Fate of the Community', in Shields, R. (ed) Lifestyle Shopping: the Subject of Consumption, Routledge, London, 99 – 113.
Valentine, G. (1997), 'Tell me about…: using interviews as a research methodology', in Flowerdew, R. and Martin, D. (eds) Methods in Human Geography: a Guide for Students doing a Research Project, Longman, Harlow, 110 – 126.
Vinicombe, K. and Cottridge, D. (1996), Rare Birds in Britain and Ireland – A Photographic Record, HarperCollins, London.
Warren, K.J. (1997), Ecofeminism – Women, Culture and Nature, Indiana University Press, Indiana.
Webb, S. (1989), '16th October 1980 Isles of Scilly and Fair Isle', in Ogilvie, M. and Winter, S. (eds) Best Days with British Birds, British Birds Ltd, Blunham. 156 – 165.
Whatmore, S. (1997), 'Dissecting the autonomous self: hybrid cartographies fro a relational ethics', Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 15, 37 – 53.
Whatmore, S. (1999), 'Culture-nature', in Cloke, P., Crang, P. and Goodwin, M. (eds) Introducing Human Geographies, Arnold, London.
Whatmore, S. (2000), 'Animals, geography of', in Johnston, R.J., Gregory, D., Pratt, G. and Watts, M. (eds) The Dictionary of Human Geography 4th edn., Blackwell, Oxford, 25 – 26.
