British Intelligence agencies stationed in the subcontinent by the British Government that powerful forces were secretly at work to prevent the holding of the Muslim League convention in Lahore on March 23, 1940, and to sabotage it if the Muslim League leadership went ahead with holding it on the scheduled day.
It was indeed a tacit test of Muslim League's resolve to demand in this Convention the Partition of India in order to create an independent state for the Muslims of the Subcontinent in line with Allama Iqbal's vision and declared objective in the Allahabad session of the Muslim League in 1930. Two and a half years of Congress rule in seven out of the eleven provinces of India between September 1937 and mid-1940 were filled with injustices and persecution inflicted on the Muslim minority by the Congress Hindu rulers so much so that even the Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah who was initially not too enthusiastic in supporting the Partition of India felt utterly shocked by the catalogue of the ill-treatment and persecution of Muslims in the Congress ruled provinces as contained in the Pirpur Committee report and advocate Sharif's report from Patna. Muslim-owned newspapers in India also carried reports of Congress Hindu rulers' persecution of the Muslim minority in the Congress-ruled provinces.
The Quaid-i-Azam learnt from his sources in London that the British Government was shaping up plans for the constitutional future of the subcontinent. He wanted the Lahore session of the Muslim League on March 23, 1940, to be a massive demonstration of the unity and political will of Muslim India so that a firm signal should go to Whitehall in London that no constitutional settlement for the subcontinent would be workable without the consent of Muslim India through the Muslim League. The designs of the Muslim League's enemies to sabotage the Muslim League' Lahore session were, therefore understandable. But the Quaid-i-Azam was determined to foil the conspiracies of the Muslims' was determined to foil the conspiracies of the Muslims' enemies.
Global scenario on the eve of Muslim League Lahore moot
The bloodhounds of the Second War, unleashed in Europe in September 1939, were on the rampage and Nazi leader Hitler's Panzer divisions had conquered almost half of Western Europe. Bruised but not beaten Britain, under Prime Minister Churchill, was defying Hitler's Germany and its allies and harnessing the resources of its huge but vulnerable Empire for the anti-Hitler War effort in Europe. The British Government's 1935 Act for India was in force and on the basis of general elections hold in 1937, the Hindu-dominated Congress had formed provincial ministries in seven out of the eleven provinces of the British-ruled Indian Federation. Muslims complained of injustices heaped on them by the Hindu Congress rulers in the seven provinces they ruled. The troika of Gandhi, Nehru and Sardar Patel that ran the Congress was hostile to Mr Jinnah and his political party, the Muslim League, whose political following amongst the 100 million Muslims in India was steadily increasing. But the Congress had successfully prevented the installation of Muslim League ministry in any one of the four provinces in which the Muslim had the majority in the population of the province.
Even in the Muslim-majority Punjab, the Unionist Party, a political agglomerate of Sikh and Hindu members and some Muslims had formed the provincial Ministry headed by a Muslims' Chief Minister Sir Sikander Hayat Khan who did not favour the partition of India which he knew would be demanded in the Muslim League's Lahore sessions on March 30, 1940. The religio-political Jamiat Ulema-i Hind was tied to the Hindu Congress apron-strings and it was hostile to the Muslim League. Indian media world was dominated by Hindus and their money bags, notably the Dalmias and Birlas. The Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah had revitalised the all India Muslim League and made it the voice of Muslim India. He had severed his past connections with the Congress, after the insulting behaviour to which he was subjected to in the Congress session in Nagpur in 1920. After he returned to India from London in 1935 and after four yeas of political hibernation, the Quaid devoted all his energies for reorganising the All India Muslim League as mass party of the Muslim of India, capable of challenging the Congress's claim to be the sole voice of India. The Quaid's popularity among Indian Muslims had soared high, Whitehall's British satraps in New Delhi had become fully aware of it and kept London informed of the swell in populist Muslim support for the Muslim League and its dynamic Leader Mr Jinnah.
The Quaid-i-Azam learnt from his sources in London that the British Government was shaping up plans for the constitutional future of the subcontinent. He wanted the Lahore session of the Muslim League on March 23, 1940, to be a massive demonstration of the unity and political will of Muslim India so that a firm signal should go to Whitehall in London that no constitutional settlement for the subcontinent would be workable without the consent of Muslim India through the Muslim League. The designs of the Muslim League's enemies to sabotage the Muslim League' Lahore session were, therefore understandable. But the Quaid-i-Azam was determined to foil the conspiracies of the Muslims' was determined to foil the conspiracies of the Muslims' enemies.
Global scenario on the eve of Muslim League Lahore moot
The bloodhounds of the Second War, unleashed in Europe in September 1939, were on the rampage and Nazi leader Hitler's Panzer divisions had conquered almost half of Western Europe. Bruised but not beaten Britain, under Prime Minister Churchill, was defying Hitler's Germany and its allies and harnessing the resources of its huge but vulnerable Empire for the anti-Hitler War effort in Europe. The British Government's 1935 Act for India was in force and on the basis of general elections hold in 1937, the Hindu-dominated Congress had formed provincial ministries in seven out of the eleven provinces of the British-ruled Indian Federation. Muslims complained of injustices heaped on them by the Hindu Congress rulers in the seven provinces they ruled. The troika of Gandhi, Nehru and Sardar Patel that ran the Congress was hostile to Mr Jinnah and his political party, the Muslim League, whose political following amongst the 100 million Muslims in India was steadily increasing. But the Congress had successfully prevented the installation of Muslim League ministry in any one of the four provinces in which the Muslim had the majority in the population of the province.
The Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah possessed intimate knowledge of Congress duplicity towards the Muslims League when he witnessed with his own eyes the sordid Congress intrigues not to allow the Muslim League to come to power in the Muslim majority provinces such as the Punjab, Sindh, Bengal and the NWFP. Even in the United provinces wherein the Muslims' political stock was high but the Muslim League did not command a majority in the Legislature, the Congress meted out disdainful treatment to the elected Muslim legislators such as the Muslim League stalwart Liaquat Ali Khan. News had leaked to the Congress that the Muslim League's Lahore session would demand the partition of India into Muslim majority and Hindu majority States. This had alarmed the Congress as well as the British government, which wanted a united India in the empire.
Mr Jinnah's bout with pleurisy while traveling by train from Bombay to Delhi en route to Lahore had adversely affected his health and medical experts in Delhi advised him to avoid going to Lahore and rest in Delhi for a couple of weeks. Mr Jinnah ignored the doctor's advice not to go to Lahore immediacy. His devoted sister Miss Fatima Jinnah promised to be with him in whatever was his decision. Just came the disturbing news of a clash between the spade-wielding Khaksars in Lahore and the police commanded by the Unionist Ministry of the Punjab. Why did the police provoke the Khaksars by firing on their reply in Lahore. It seems the Chief Minister of the Punjab, Sir Sikander Hayat Khan himself had not ordered the firing. Who gave the actual order to the police remains even today a mystery?
Newspapers in Delhi reported that the police had imposed curfew on nearly half of Lahore and heavy deployment of the police force in the disturbed localities had been carried out. The wounded Khaksars were being treated in the Mayo Hospital and those who had lost their lives in the Khaksar police clash had been buried. This disturbing development in Lahore caused concern to the Quaid-i-Azam and his colleagues in the party High Command. The Quaid was in constant telephonic contact with the Nawab of Mamdot, Chairman of the Lahore ML session and his colleagues.
The pro-congress newspapers in Delhi carried exaggerated accounts of the disturbed situation in curfew-ridden Lahore. During the train journey from Delhi to Lahore at night, thousands of Muslim Leaguers greeted the Quaid-i-Azam at many railway stations and he acknowledged their greeting from the window of his compartment in the train. His temperature had risen but his devoted sister was by his side and gave him medicines in time.
Gifted with a sixth sense that enabled him to foresee what lay in the womb of the political future, the Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah - a master of political strategy on the subcontinent's unpredictable chessboard of politics, he was anticipating cataclysmic changes in the global scenario of power politics for which the forging and demonstration of the Indian Muslims unity under the national banner of the all India Muslim League was essential and the greatest need of the hour. Therefore, his political stakes were pegged on the holding of the Muslim League's scheduled session on March 23, 1940, in the Minto Park, Lahore. The Quaid was determined that it should be held on the announced day in Lahore.
Political aides of the Punjab's Chief Minister, Sir Sikander Hayat Khan tried to dissuade the Quaid-i-Azam from holding the momentous Muslim League convention in Minto Park on March 23. But no power on earth could deter the Quaid from holding the Muslim nation's tryst with destiny on the appointed day. He had launched the battle for Pakistan, he had cast the dice and there was no going back for him. The battle lines were to be drawn up in the ML's Lahore session on the morrow Begum Shah Nawaz said to me that the Quaid infused tremendous enthusiasm in all the members of the Reception Committee and hundreds of their followers in Lahore who deemed it a matter of personal honour to make the March 23 ML session a thundering success.
Hundreds of press correspondents from all over and many from abroad had congregated in Lahore to cover the ML's Lahore session on March 23. The Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah's political stock as the voice of Muslim India had risen high. Foreign journalists who flocked to India and sought interviews with Mr Jinnah. Eminent British author, Beverly Nichols in his book 'Verdict on India', described Mr Jinnah as a giant among the leaders of Asia. Noted American journalist, John Gunther, lavished praise on Mr Jinnah in his 1940 best selling book 'Inside Asia'. The Quaid commanded an important place in the reportage from India, which appeared in many popular newspapers in Asia, Europe and the USA. Thus the world's eyes were on Lahore on March 23, 1940, and the decisions to be taken in the Muslim League session were awaited with bated breath in the capitals of Commonwealth countries, the Muslim world, Asia and Europe. The Quaid and his ML aides spent the whole day in looking into the arrangements for the Muslim League session. They also helped in guiding the foreign newsman who had rushed to Lahore for news coverage and for interviewing the Quaid-i-Azam. In December 1939, the New York Times in the USA had published a series of articles on the overall political scenario in the subcontinent. In these articles the Muslim League and its head, the Quaid-i-Azam, received substantial coverage. Soon after the midday congregational prayers, crowds of Muslims from Lahore and other parts of India began moving into the huge Pandal in the Minto Park. On duty were hundreds of attractively dressed Muslim League National Guards holding aloft shimmering swords. The giant Pandal was beautifully decorated with festoons and buntings in green and white, favourite colours with the Muslims Leaguers. The Quaid deployed a squad of volunteers to manage and guard the loudspeaker system and electricity lighting. Teams of selected volunteers kept round-the-clock vigil on the shamianas erected for seating the participants. My mother Begum Syed Abdul Hafiz, who attended the 23rd March session in Lahore as a member of the ML delegation from the United Provinces (UP) led by Choudhry Khaliquzzaman told me that vast numbers of Lahore Muslims who owned cars, gave free motor rides to Muslim participants wanting to go to Minto Park. Their politeness and courtesy were remarkable; some said they were doing a national duty as proud citizens of the Muslim-majority province of the Punjab determined to make the Muslim League convention in Minto Park a resounding success.
More than 100,000 Muslims from every part of India were jam-packed in the huge Pandal while the Quaid was seated on the impressive dais with his close party aides and his sister Miss Jinnah. The sun had gone down and the setting sun gave a bright crimson glow to the Lahore skyline that cast a halo on the huge Pandal and its teeming occupants - all keyed to listen to the oration of their beloved leader Jinnah. Quaid-i-Azam Zindabad, Muslim League Zindabad yelled the milling crowd showing utmost respect and regard to the Great Leader who they knew would lead the Muslims of India to the promised homeland whose vision would unfold in the Quaid's speech and in the resolution that was being shaped into a historic article of Faith for Muslim India by the Subjects Committee having India's best Muslim and its gifted leader Mr Jinnah. The Subjects Committee members had sought the Quaid's guidance and inspiration before hammering into shape the historic Lahore Resolution demanding separate Muslim statehood for Muslim India. Although the word Pakistan was not injected into the Resolution; history has immortalised it by naming it the Pakistan Resolution.
In 1955, I learnt from one of the leaders of the Punjab Provincial Muslim League, Begum Jehanara Shah Nawaz the details of the arrangement made by the Punjab Muslim League Reception Committee for the 23rd March ML Convention in Lahore, Begum Shah Nawaz was then a member of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. She was visiting Karachi for the Assembly's session. She: was with the Nawab of Mamdot in his Muslim League office in Lahore. When the Quaid phoned from Delhi to inquire whether the ML session was being held as scheduled despite the disturbances in the city. Begum Shah Nawaz told me that she took the telephone receiver from her brother, Mian Bashir Ahmed, General Secretary of the Punjab Muslim League who told the Quaid that the ML session would be held as scheduled on 23rd March in the Minto Park and arrangements for it were in full swing. The Khaksars had promised that they would create no hurdles provided the Quaid visited their wounded in the hospital soon after reaching Lahore and the ML session passed a resolution condemning the police firing on the Khaksars and demanded a judicial inquiry for the police firing on the Khaksar rally in Lahore on March 20. Begum Shah Nawaz personally spoke to the Khaksar Chief Allama Mashriqi and took his words for peace and cooperation with the Muslim League, in holding the 23rd March session.
The Quaid's train reached Lahore around midday. After greeting and speaking to the welcoming crowd, the Quaid motored to the Mayo Hospital to offer sympathy to the wounded Khaksars and appealed to them for their cooperation in making the ML convention on March 23, a resounding success and a superb demonstration of Muslims' solidarity and unity in shaping a bright future for the Muslim nation in a Muslim majority state in the subcontinent. The Khaksars who were pacified greeted the Quaid with thunderous acclamation. They offered to do guard duties at the 'Pandal' in the Minto Park. The Quaid had won the first round in the mission to ensure the peaceful holding of the ML session in Lahore. He and his ML colleagues then went to Minto Park to see the arrangements for the ML session. A lakh of people were expected to be present in the session, including many hundreds of delegates from other parts of the subcontinent. There was a great enthusiasm among Muslims throughout India and the provincial, district and City Muslim Leagues were sending delegates in large numbers to Lahore for the ML session.
The highlight of the March 23 session of the ML in Lahore was the stirring address of nearly two and a half hours of the Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. After speaking to the huge audience in Urdu for a quarter of an hour, he switched to English but his admiring audience, despite the fact that some did not know the English language sat in silence, listening to his impressive speech, the Quaid did not interrupt the flow of his oration when the crowd of his listeners, about 100,000 in number, raised full-throated cries of "Quaid-i-Azam Zindabad and" Muslim League Zindabad". The crowd knew that the Subjects Committee meeting under the chairmanship of Bengal Muslim League leader A K Fazlul Haq was busy giving final shape to the resolution that would promise them an independent Muslim-majority State in the subcontinent for which Cambridge-based Muslim scholar Choudhry Rehmat Ali had coined the name of Pakistan. Although the name Pakistan was not mentioned in the Lahore Resolution that was adopted amid thunderous applause in the early hours of the morning, the concept of Pakistan was writ large in the sprit of the resolution.
The Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah gave a new image to Muslim India when he thundered in his history-making address to his teeming followers in the mammoth audience that India's 100 million Muslims were not a minority but judged by all tokens of full nationhood they constituted a separate nation in the fold of the subcontinent. The Quaid said: "The Mussalmans are not a minority. The Mussalmans are a nation by any definition". The audience greeted this historic pronouncement of their great leader with full-throated acclamation. The Quaid's moving words were music to their ears. The Muslims were glad to be rid of their minority status. They wanted to be treated on par with the Hindus in any plan of constitutional settlement framed by the British rulers. Mr Jinnah's lungs bore the impact of his full-throated oration remarkably well, another demonstration of his steely will power.
In loud resonant words, Mr Jinnah declared on the microphone standing from the podium "that the problem in India was not of an inter-communal character but manifestly of an international character". "So long as this basic and fundamental truth is not realised, any constitution that may built will prove harmful, destructive not only to the Mussalmans but also to the Hindus and the British".
In words of utter clarity, Mr Jinnah thus expounded his case for separate Muslim statehood: "The only course open to us all is to allow the major nations separate homelands, by dividing India into "autonomous national states." Mr Jinnah's biographer, Stanley Wolpert, in his write up on the ML's Lahore Convention opines that by the spring of 1940, Mr Jinnah after giving the most thorough consideration to the Hindu-Muslim problem had come to the conclusion that partition was the only long-range solution of India's Hindu-Muslim problem. "Jinnah's Lahore address lowered the final curtain on any prospects for a single united independent India". Greeted and honoured as the Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity by India's renowned poetess Sarojini Naidu in 1916, Mr Jinnah had been so savagely short-changed by the hardcore Hindu leadership of the Congress, and often baffled by its swiftly shifting stand on national issues that he felt compelled to demand the partition of India to carve out a separate independent state for the Muslims of India.
The soul and essence of the Lahore Resolution adopted by the huge congregation in the ML's Lahore session were in these guiding lines: "that geographically contiguous units are demarcated into regions which should be so constituted with such territorial adjustments as may be necessary that the areas in which the Muslims are numerically in a majority, as in the North Western and the Eastern Zones of India, should be grouped to constitute independent States in which the constituted units shall be autonomous and sovereign." There is no evidence to warrant the belief that the Lahore Resolution envisioned two separate, autonomous independent states, one in the North West and the other in the Eastern zone of India.
Although A K Fazlul Haq, Chairman of the Subjects Committee was said to be in favour of two independent Muslim States, one in the North West and one in the East in Bengal, there is no evidence to support the view that he injected this formulation in the Lahore Resolution. With the crack of dawn and the adoption of the Resolution by the concourse, the Quaid-i-Azam looked at the parapets of the Moghul-built Badshahi Mosque and said aloud "how happy Allama Iqbal would be in the Heavens that we have taken the path of independent statehood for India's Muslim which he had advocated in the Allahabad session of the ML in 1930. The Quaid-i-Azam was a great admirer of Allama Iqbal, his inspiring poetry. His political sagacity and his impeccable character and political integrity.