ANNA CZARNOWUS
**********
The
children in The Canterbury Tales, and specifically the ones depicted in
The Clerk's Tale, The Monk's Tale, The Physician's Tale and The
Prioress's Tale belong to a certain family structure within which they
are either subjected to acts of violence or victimized as a result of
constituting a part of that configuration. Those characters may be
viewed against the background of the allegorical images depicting the
children of Saturn. It has partly been done by Peter Brown and Andrew
Butcher in the study The Age of Saturn. History and Literature in The
Canterbury Tales where the two authors maintain that Chaucer "appears
to be drawing on a tradition whereby, in both literature and art, each
planet was represented, together with an array of human beings (the
so-called "children" of the planet), ordering activities over which
that deity had particular control" (Brown and Butcher 1991: 215). In
the study in question the primary instance of Saturnine offspring is
Arcite in the Knight's Tale who dies as a result of that influence,
which was instigated by Palamon's patron, Saturn's daughter Venus.
The mythographic tradition, whose part the 'children-of-the-planets'
topic constitutes, was started in the antiquity and then continued in
the Middle Ages under the influence of the writings of such oriental
astrologers as Albumasar (786-866) or Abd Al-Rahman Al Sufi (903-986)
(Sniezynska-Stolot 1994: 11). They transferred the late ancient
tradition to the Middle Ages, where it was not considerably changed,
but rather elaborated, and where it also became a part of what
Sniezynska-Stolot calls "mimetic literature": the one constituting to a
certain extent a reflection of the reality and the laws of the universe
shaping it. Klibansky, Saxl and Panofsky indicate that the Arabic
astrologers' writings became popular in the Latin west in the twelfth
century, when Liber Alchandri philosophi started to function in a
number of copies. Then the tradition of Saturn's children returned to
Europe; its primary shape, however, was different from the later one,
connected with the calamities caused by the god. The authors of Saturn
and melancholy describe the primary image as thoroughly negative: the
children of the planet were thieves, hypocrites and miserly (1979:
179). Only later did the topic of malice occur, hence Saturn's children
could not be blamed for their misfortune. Significantly, according, the
literary historians Chaucer can be treated as a representative of the
mythographic tradition, therefore it is fully justifiable to search for
Saturn's children in his writings (Sniezynska-Stolot 1994: 18).
Nevertheless, one has to remember about the double perspective on that
offspring: Saturn's children could be both the individuals born under
the planet's influence and whole communities suffering at the time when
Saturn reigns over the world. The individuals would turn out to be as
malignant as their 'father', but the whole communities were merely
victims of the planetary influence, which did not ruin their character,
but it caused misfortune in their lives. The latter situation will be
referred to more frequently in this article.
The list of medieval thinkers interested specifically in the influence
of Saturn includes: Bernardus Silvestris in The Cosmographia, also
known as De Universitate mundi, Alanus ab Insulis in Anticlaudianus,
Arnoldus Saxo in the encyclopedic De coelo et mundo, Vincent of
Beauvais in Speculum Naturae and Bartolomeus Anglicus in another
encyclopedic work, De proprietatibum rerum. References to the planetary
god can be also found in: William of Auvergne's De universo or
Boccaccio's Genealogiae deorum gentilium libri. Obviously, the primary
ancient source of the mythographic tradition is Ptolemy with his
Tetrabiblos. All the subsequent writings on the subject, starting with
the Arabian and Persian treatises and including the medieval
renderings, derive their mythographic lore from that source. References
to Saturn can not only be round in the scientific writing of the
antiquity, as it happens in the case of Tetrabiblos, but also,
secondarily, in literature: Virgil's Aeneid contains such references as
the one to "magna parens frugum, Saturnia tellus".
In the light of the planetary children's tradition, which is both
iconographic and textual, members of the afflicted communities are
merely automatons performing in the roles distributed to them by the
planet disposing of regal power at the time when they live. To be
specific, the children of Saturn have been born in the time of violent
transformations resulting in instability and chaos. Such a state of
affairs affects their lives as they have hardly any control over them.
They seem to be constantly facing the inevitable destruction. The
subjective is transformed into the general in the course of their lives
since their function is that of puppets in the hands of powerful
master-puppeteers.
In the medieval mythographic tradition Saturn is a god whose nature is
dual. That duality is a feature that cannot be found in primary
representations of the Roman god. In that culture the age of Saturn was
the golden one, which led to the flourishing of cities and general
happiness of their inhabitants. The ambivalence entered the image of
Saturn later, as a result of the hybridization that led to the creation
of the Kronos-Saturn figure. Kronos was the god who was highly
ambivalent in his potential both for creation and destruction.
Klibansky, Panofsky and Saxl (1979: 134) describe Kronos as
[t]he gloomy, dethroned and solitary god conceived as 'dwelling at
the uttermost end of land and sea', 'exiled beneath the earth and
the flood of the seas', ... a ruler of the nether gods; he lived as
a prisoner or bondsman in, or even beneath, Tartarus, and later he
actually passed for the god of death and the dead.
For if Saturn is in quartile aspect to the Sun from a sign of the
opposite sect, or in opposition, in the solid signs, he causes death
by trampling in a mob, or by the noose, or by indurations; and
similarly if he is setting, and the Moon is approaching him. In the
signs that have the form of animals, he causes death by wild beasts,
and if Jupiter, who is himself afflicted, bears witness to him,
death in public places, or on days of celebration, in fighting with
the beasts; but in the ascendent, in opposition to either of the
luminaries, death in prison ...
(North 1988: 410)
Here Saturn appears as the wicked old man, cruel and despicable,
constantly watching over women in labour so as to mercilessly devour
the new-born infant. How powerful the demoniac notion was can be
seen by the fact that the poet was able to give it a new image
without in any way departing from tradition. Saturn is here the
reaper, whose sharps sickle destroys all that is lovely and bears
blossom: he lets no roses or lilies flower, and cannot bear
fructification. In only one respect is he worthy of veneration, in
that he is the son of eternity, the father of time.
(Klibansky, Saxl and Panofsky 1979: 185)
My cours, that hath so wyde for to turne,
Hath moore power than woot any man.
Myn is he drenchyng in the see so wan;
Myn is the prison in the derke cote;
Myn is the stranglyng and hangyng by the throte,
The murmure and the cherles rebellyng,
The groynynge, and the pryvee empoysonyng;
I do vengeance and pleyn correccioun,
Whil I dwelle in the signe of the leoun.
Myn is the ruyne of the hye halles,
The fallynge of the toures and of the walles
Upon the mynour of the carpenter,
I slow Sampsoun, shakynge the piler;
And myne be the maladyes colde
The derke tresons, and the castes olde;
My lookyng is the fader of pestilence.
(vv. 2454-2469)
[o]ne way in which contemporaries came to terms with their
perception of the significance and unity of their experiences in
late fourteenth-century England, moving from a series of crises to a
general sense of crisis, was by reference to the explanatory system
of astrology. In particular, astrologers and other writers looked to
the governing influence of Saturn, the planet held to be responsible
for such matters as plague, treason, revolt, violent death, bad
weather and crop failure.
Off the Erl Hugelyn of Pyze the langour
Ther may no tonge telle for pitee.
Nut litel out of Pize stant a tour,
In which tour in prisoun put was he,
And with hym been his litel children thre;
The eldest scarsly fyf yeer was of age.
Allas, Fortune, it was greet crueltee
Swiche briddes for to putte in swich a cage.
(vv. 2406-2414)
Dampned was he to dyen in that prisoun,
For Roger, which that bisshop was of Pize,
Hadde on hym maad a fals suggestioun,
Thurgh which the peple gan upon hym rise
And putten hym to prisoun in swich wise
As ye han herd, and mete and drynke he hadde
So smal that wel unnethe it may suffise,
And therwithal it was ful povre and badde.
(vv. 2415-2422)
La bocca sollevo dal fiero pasto
Quel peccator, forbendola a'capelli
Del capo ch'elli avea di retro guasto.
Poi comincio: "Tu vuo' ch'io rinovelli
Disperato dolor che 'l cor mi preme
Gia pur pensando, pria ch'io ne favelli.
Ma se le mie parole esser dien seine
Che frutti infamia al traditor ch' i' rodo,
Parlare e lacrimar vedrai inseme?' (XXXIII: 1-9)
(Dante 1961: 404)
[Lifting his mouth from his horrendous meal,
this sinner first wiped off his messy lips
in the hair remaining on the chewed-up skull,
then spoke: "You want me to renew a grief
so desperate that just the thought of it,
much less the telling, grips my heart with pain;
but if my words can be the seed to bear
the fruit of infamy for this betrayer,
who feeds my hunger, then I shall speak--in tears."]
(Dante 1971: 370)
Thus day by day this child bigan to crye,
Til in his fadres barm adoun it lay,
And seyde, "Farewel, fader, I moot dye!"
And kiste his fader, and dyde the same day.
And whan the woful fader deed it say,
For wo his armes two he gan to byte,
And sayde. "Allas, Fortune, and weylaway!
Thy false wheel my wo al may I wyte."
(vv. 2439-2446)
His children wende that it for hunger was
That he his armes gnow, and nat for wo,
And seyde, "Fader, do nat so, allas!
But rather ete the flessh upon us two.
Oure flessh thou yaf us, take oure flessh us fro,
And ete ynogh"--right thus they to hym seyde,
And after that, withinne a day or two,
They leyde hem in his lappe adoun and deyde.
(vv. 2446-2454)
ABSTRACT
In the
article it is suggested that there might exist a relationship between
Chaucer's Knight's Tale and his Monk's Tale, the latter of which is
often listed among other tales about the "victimized children" (The
Clerk's Tale, The Physician's Tale or The Prioress's Tale). The ancient
and medieval tradition referring to the subject of Saturn's children
has to be analyzed as double: the children can be either the
individuals born at the time of the planet's domination, or the
societies suffering due to the Age of Saturn they live in. Chaucer must
have been familiar with that concept as well as interested in both
astrology and astronomy in general. The pair: Kronos-Saturn was a
significant constituent of that system. The predicament of Dante's and
Chaucer's Count Hugolino and his children, who starved to death in
Torre della Fame, might be interpreted in the light of the tradition of
the Age of Saturn. The pathos of the tale has its source in the
sacrifice of Hugolino's children.
**********
The
children in The Canterbury Tales, and specifically the ones depicted in
The Clerk's Tale, The Monk's Tale, The Physician's Tale and The
Prioress's Tale belong to a certain family structure within which they
are either subjected to acts of violence or victimized as a result of
constituting a part of that configuration. Those characters may be
viewed against the background of the allegorical images depicting the
children of Saturn. It has partly been done by Peter Brown and Andrew
Butcher in the study The Age of Saturn. History and Literature in The
Canterbury Tales where the two authors maintain that Chaucer "appears
to be drawing on a tradition whereby, in both literature and art, each
planet was represented, together with an array of human beings (the
so-called "children" of the planet), ordering activities over which
that deity had particular control" (Brown and Butcher 1991: 215). In
the study in question the primary instance of Saturnine offspring is
Arcite in the Knight's Tale who dies as a result of that influence,
which was instigated by Palamon's patron, Saturn's daughter Venus.
The mythographic tradition, whose part the 'children-of-the-planets'
topic constitutes, was started in the antiquity and then continued in
the Middle Ages under the influence of the writings of such oriental
astrologers as Albumasar (786-866) or Abd Al-Rahman Al Sufi (903-986)
(Sniezynska-Stolot 1994: 11). They transferred the late ancient
tradition to the Middle Ages, where it was not considerably changed,
but rather elaborated, and where it also became a part of what
Sniezynska-Stolot calls "mimetic literature": the one constituting to a
certain extent a reflection of the reality and the laws of the universe
shaping it. Klibansky, Saxl and Panofsky indicate that the Arabic
astrologers' writings became popular in the Latin west in the twelfth
century, when Liber Alchandri philosophi started to function in a
number of copies. Then the tradition of Saturn's children returned to
Europe; its primary shape, however, was different from the later one,
connected with the calamities caused by the god. The authors of Saturn
and melancholy describe the primary image as thoroughly negative: the
children of the planet were thieves, hypocrites and miserly (1979:
179). Only later did the topic of malice occur, hence Saturn's children
could not be blamed for their misfortune. Significantly, according, the
literary historians Chaucer can be treated as a representative of the
mythographic tradition, therefore it is fully justifiable to search for
Saturn's children in his writings (Sniezynska-Stolot 1994: 18).
Nevertheless, one has to remember about the double perspective on that
offspring: Saturn's children could be both the individuals born under
the planet's influence and whole communities suffering at the time when
Saturn reigns over the world. The individuals would turn out to be as
malignant as their 'father', but the whole communities were merely
victims of the planetary influence, which did not ruin their character,
but it caused misfortune in their lives. The latter situation will be
referred to more frequently in this article.
The list of medieval thinkers interested specifically in the influence
of Saturn includes: Bernardus Silvestris in The Cosmographia, also
known as De Universitate mundi, Alanus ab Insulis in Anticlaudianus,
Arnoldus Saxo in the encyclopedic De coelo et mundo, Vincent of
Beauvais in Speculum Naturae and Bartolomeus Anglicus in another
encyclopedic work, De proprietatibum rerum. References to the planetary
god can be also found in: William of Auvergne's De universo or
Boccaccio's Genealogiae deorum gentilium libri. Obviously, the primary
ancient source of the mythographic tradition is Ptolemy with his
Tetrabiblos. All the subsequent writings on the subject, starting with
the Arabian and Persian treatises and including the medieval
renderings, derive their mythographic lore from that source. References
to Saturn can not only be round in the scientific writing of the
antiquity, as it happens in the case of Tetrabiblos, but also,
secondarily, in literature: Virgil's Aeneid contains such references as
the one to "magna parens frugum, Saturnia tellus".
In the light of the planetary children's tradition, which is both
iconographic and textual, members of the afflicted communities are
merely automatons performing in the roles distributed to them by the
planet disposing of regal power at the time when they live. To be
specific, the children of Saturn have been born in the time of violent
transformations resulting in instability and chaos. Such a state of
affairs affects their lives as they have hardly any control over them.
They seem to be constantly facing the inevitable destruction. The
subjective is transformed into the general in the course of their lives
since their function is that of puppets in the hands of powerful
master-puppeteers.
In the medieval mythographic tradition Saturn is a god whose nature is
dual. That duality is a feature that cannot be found in primary
representations of the Roman god. In that culture the age of Saturn was
the golden one, which led to the flourishing of cities and general
happiness of their inhabitants. The ambivalence entered the image of
Saturn later, as a result of the hybridization that led to the creation
of the Kronos-Saturn figure. Kronos was the god who was highly
ambivalent in his potential both for creation and destruction.
Klibansky, Panofsky and Saxl (1979: 134) describe Kronos as
[t]he gloomy, dethroned and solitary god conceived as 'dwelling at
the uttermost end of land and sea', 'exiled beneath the earth and
the flood of the seas', ... a ruler of the nether gods; he lived as
a prisoner or bondsman in, or even beneath, Tartarus, and later he
actually passed for the god of death and the dead.
For if Saturn is in quartile aspect to the Sun from a sign of the
opposite sect, or in opposition, in the solid signs, he causes death
by trampling in a mob, or by the noose, or by indurations; and
similarly if he is setting, and the Moon is approaching him. In the
signs that have the form of animals, he causes death by wild beasts,
and if Jupiter, who is himself afflicted, bears witness to him,
death in public places, or on days of celebration, in fighting with
the beasts; but in the ascendent, in opposition to either of the
luminaries, death in prison ...
(North 1988: 410)
Here Saturn appears as the wicked old man, cruel and despicable,
constantly watching over women in labour so as to mercilessly devour
the new-born infant. How powerful the demoniac notion was can be
seen by the fact that the poet was able to give it a new image
without in any way departing from tradition. Saturn is here the
reaper, whose sharps sickle destroys all that is lovely and bears
blossom: he lets no roses or lilies flower, and cannot bear
fructification. In only one respect is he worthy of veneration, in
that he is the son of eternity, the father of time.
(Klibansky, Saxl and Panofsky 1979: 185)
My cours, that hath so wyde for to turne,
Hath moore power than woot any man.
Myn is he drenchyng in the see so wan;
Myn is the prison in the derke cote;
Myn is the stranglyng and hangyng by the throte,
The murmure and the cherles rebellyng,
The groynynge, and the pryvee empoysonyng;
I do vengeance and pleyn correccioun,
Whil I dwelle in the signe of the leoun.
Myn is the ruyne of the hye halles,
The fallynge of the toures and of the walles
Upon the mynour of the carpenter,
I slow Sampsoun, shakynge the piler;
And myne be the maladyes colde
The derke tresons, and the castes olde;
My lookyng is the fader of pestilence.
(vv. 2454-2469)
[o]ne way in which contemporaries came to terms with their
perception of the significance and unity of their experiences in
late fourteenth-century England, moving from a series of crises to a
general sense of crisis, was by reference to the explanatory system
of astrology. In particular, astrologers and other writers looked to
the governing influence of Saturn, the planet held to be responsible
for such matters as plague, treason, revolt, violent death, bad
weather and crop failure.
Off the Erl Hugelyn of Pyze the langour
Ther may no tonge telle for pitee.
Nut litel out of Pize stant a tour,
In which tour in prisoun put was he,
And with hym been his litel children thre;
The eldest scarsly fyf yeer was of age.
Allas, Fortune, it was greet crueltee
Swiche briddes for to putte in swich a cage.
(vv. 2406-2414)
Dampned was he to dyen in that prisoun,
For Roger, which that bisshop was of Pize,
Hadde on hym maad a fals suggestioun,
Thurgh which the peple gan upon hym rise
And putten hym to prisoun in swich wise
As ye han herd, and mete and drynke he hadde
So smal that wel unnethe it may suffise,
And therwithal it was ful povre and badde.
(vv. 2415-2422)
La bocca sollevo dal fiero pasto
Quel peccator, forbendola a'capelli
Del capo ch'elli avea di retro guasto.
Poi comincio: "Tu vuo' ch'io rinovelli
Disperato dolor che 'l cor mi preme
Gia pur pensando, pria ch'io ne favelli.
Ma se le mie parole esser dien seine
Che frutti infamia al traditor ch' i' rodo,
Parlare e lacrimar vedrai inseme?' (XXXIII: 1-9)
(Dante 1961: 404)
[Lifting his mouth from his horrendous meal,
this sinner first wiped off his messy lips
in the hair remaining on the chewed-up skull,
then spoke: "You want me to renew a grief
so desperate that just the thought of it,
much less the telling, grips my heart with pain;
but if my words can be the seed to bear
the fruit of infamy for this betrayer,
who feeds my hunger, then I shall speak--in tears."]
(Dante 1971: 370)
Thus day by day this child bigan to crye,
Til in his fadres barm adoun it lay,
And seyde, "Farewel, fader, I moot dye!"
And kiste his fader, and dyde the same day.
And whan the woful fader deed it say,
For wo his armes two he gan to byte,
And sayde. "Allas, Fortune, and weylaway!
Thy false wheel my wo al may I wyte."
(vv. 2439-2446)
His children wende that it for hunger was
That he his armes gnow, and nat for wo,
And seyde, "Fader, do nat so, allas!
But rather ete the flessh upon us two.
Oure flessh thou yaf us, take oure flessh us fro,
And ete ynogh"--right thus they to hym seyde,
And after that, withinne a day or two,
They leyde hem in his lappe adoun and deyde.
(vv. 2446-2454)
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