ETHIOPIA, PAN AFRICANISM

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Haile Selassie I Calls For Union Of Africans

Below are extracts from His Majesty's
Address unto the Historic Conference of
Independent African States held in Addis
Ababa from May 25, 1963...

... WE STAND TODAY ON THE STAGE OF world affairs, before the audience of world opinion. We have come together to assert our role in the direction of world affairs and to discharge our duty to the great continent whose two hundred and fifty million people we lead. Africa is today at mid?course, in transition from the Africa of Yesterday to the Africa of Tomorrow. Even as we stand here, we move from the past into the future. The task on which we have embarked, the making of Africa, will not wait. We must act, to shape and mould the future and leave our imprint on events as they slip past into history.

"...We seek, at this meeting, to determine whither we are going and to chart the course of our destiny. It is no less important that we know whence we came. An awareness of our past is essential to the establishment of our personality and our identity as Africans...

Fettered And Bound

"...The events of the past hundred and fifty years require no extended recitation from Us. The period of colonialism into which we were plunged culminated with our continent fettered and bound; with our once proud and free peoples reduced to humiliation and slavery; with Africa's terrain cross?hatched and checker?boarded by artificial and arbitrary boundaries... Africa was a physical resource to be exploited and Africans were chattels to be purchased bodily or, at best, peoples to be reduced to vassalage and lackeyhood. Africa was the market for the produce of other nations and the source of the raw materials with which their factories were fed.

Today, Africa has emerged from this dark passage. Our Armageddon is past. Africa has been reborn as a free continent and Africans have been reborn as free men. The blood that was shed and the sufferings that were endured are today Africa's advocates for freedom and unity...

Free And United

"Today, we look to the future calmly, confidently and courageously. We look to the vision of an Africa not merely free but united. In facing this new challenge we can take comfort and encouragement from the lessons of the past. We know that there are differences among us. Africans enjoy different cultures, distinctive values, special attributes. But we also know that unity can be and has been attained among men of the most disparate origins; that differences of race, of religion, of culture, of tradition, are no insuperable obstacle to the coming together of peoples...

The road of African unity is already lined with landmarks. The last years are crowded with meetings, with conferences with declarations and pronouncements. Regional organizations have been established. Local groupings based on common interests, backgrounds and traditions have been created..

Unity The Accepted Goal.

But through all that has been said and written and done in these years, there runs a common theme. Unity is the accepted goal. We argue about means; we discuss alternative paths to the same objective; we engage in debates about techniques and tactics. But when semantics are stripped away, there is little argument among us. We are determined to create a union of Africans. In a very real sense our continent is unmade; it still awaits creation and its creators. It is our duty and privilege to rouse the slumbering giant of Africa, not to the nationalism of Europe of the 19th Century, not to regional consciousness, but to the vision of a single African brotherhood bending its united efforts toward the achievement of a greater and nobler goal. Above all, we must avoid the pitfalls of tribalism. If we are divided among ourselves on tribal lines, we open our doors to foreign intervention and its potentially harmful consequences... ... A period of transition is inevitable. Old relations and arrangements may for a time, linger. Regional organizations may fulfill legitimate functions and needs which cannot yet be otherwise satisfied. But the difference is in this: that we recognise these circumstances for what they are, temporary expedients designed to serve only until we have established the conditions which will bring total African unity within our reach..

Events During The Fascist Occupation:in February 19 37

Who Was the Third Man:By Richard Pankhurst

If the Italian Fascist invasion and occupation of Ethiopia (1936-1941) was a major turning point in Ethiopian history, the attempt on the life of the Italian Viceroy, Rodolfo Graziani (19 February 1937) was a turning point in the history of that occupation. The attempt was followed by the Addis Ababa massacre of 19-21 February 1937, which is indelibly associated with Graziani's name. The massacre in its turn vastly increased the ranks of the Ethiopian Patriots, many of whom felt that it had shown that any thought of collaboration with the invader was futile. Well Known The main features of the story are well known. In February 1937 - the second year of the occupation - the Viceroy, Graziani, decided to hold a celebration at the Addis Ababa Palace - now Addis Ababa University, to commemorate the birth of an Italian royal baby: the Prince of Naples. The commemoration was scheduled for 19 February, and the principal Ethiopian courtiers in the city were all invited to attend. Both of Eritrean Origin Ethiopian opponents of the occupation included two young friends, Abraha Deboch and Moges Asgedom, both of Eritrean origin. Seeing that the education of "natives" was strictly limited in the Italian Colony of Eritrea, they had made their way to Addis Ababa. There they had enrolled in the country's most modern school, the Tafari Makonnen School, which was called after Ras Tafari Makonnen, the future Emperor Haile Sellassie, who had founded it in 1925. Early in 1937 the two friends decided to strike against the Viceroy, whose oppression had by then incurred the hatred of many of their Ethiopian compatriots. They decided to act. The Two Plotters The first of the plotters was Abraha Deboch, who had by then succeeded in finding employment with the Fascist Political Bureau in Addis Ababa, where his Eritrean origin, knowledge of Italian, and familiarity with the city made him appear useful. He was, however, bitterly opposed to the Graziani regime, and particularly its racial discrimination. The second plotter was Moges Asgedom, who was unemployed, but looked after by a friend by name of Sebhat, who served as a language instructor in the German Consulate (formerly the German Embassy). The two friends, Abraha Deboch and Moges Asgedom, decided to seize the occasion of the forthcoming celebration at the Palace to attempt to assassinate the hated Viceroy. Could not be Trusted Tradition has it that Abraha, not wishing to harm innocent Ethiopians, warned a number of them to stay away from the Palace on the fateful day. However, most of them reportedly ignored his warning, for they saw him as an employee of the Fascists, and felt that as such could not to be trusted. Abraha and Moges, we are told, had by then acquired a number of Breda-type Italian hand-grenades, and had on several occasions traveled into the nearby lowlands, in the direction of Mount Zeqwala, to experiment with throwing them. Before Leaving His Home On the appointed day Abraha, before leaving home, placed an Italian flag on the floor of his house, and stuck an Ethiopian spear into it - a symbol of defiance for everyone later to see. The two men, taking a number of hand-grenades with them, then made their way to the Palace compound. They entered the Palace building, where, as assumed collaborators, they attracted no attention - and took up their position to strike. Graziani and the Top-Ranking Leadership Graziani and the top-ranking Fascist leadership had by then taken up their positions on the Palace steps (now those of the University). They were thus, it appears, standing immediately below the overhanging balcony, which was to be the Viceroy's saving, as it prevented the little bombs from exploding immediately beside him. The bombs were hurled, it is said, shortly before mid-day. Graziani and some thirty of his colleagues were wounded - and the Viceroy, who was badly shaken, later claimed that no less than 250 pieces of steel had entered his body. For further revelations you are invited, dear reader, to a SOFIES lecture to be given by Mr. Ian Campbell on 24 March at 6pm. It will be given within only a few meters of where the incident took place. The incident led, as is widely known, to the great massacre - with which, however, we are not here concerned. Our focus today is rather on what happened to the two young would-be assassins - and in particular to introduce our readers to he whom we may call The Third Man. The Third Man The Third Man, according to family tradition, was another interesting - and patriotic - figure: Simeyon Adefres. Born in Harar around 1913, he had there attended a Roman Catholic mission school (where he had become a Catholic) before making his way to Addis Ababa. There he had enrolled at the Alliance Francaise School. As a member of Ethiopia's pre-war foreign educated generation, subjected to Fascist occupation, Simeyon Adefres, then aged twenty-four, shared the aspirations of Abraha Deboch and Moges Asgedom, whom he soon befriended. Simeyon had a passion for motorcars. On leaving the Alliance he had become one of Addis Ababa's then very few taxi-drivers. He was assisted in this profession by two of his brothers, Agonefer Adefres and Debebe Adefres, who had made their way to the Somali port of Djibouti, then under French rule. The former managed to acquire, and send Simeyon two German Opel cars. With them he transported his clients to such principal destinations as St George's Cathedral, the Railway Station, the Palace, and the foreign Legations. Having agreed with Abraha Deboch and Moges Asgedom on the need to attack Graziani, Simeyon is said to have also made contact with one of the more important Patriot leaders, Dejazmach Fikre Mariam, and befriended the latter's machine-gunner. Simeyon then reportedly drove his two friends, together with the said machine-gunner, to the lowlands around Mount Zeqwala, where the gunner instructed them in the use of hand-grenades. Hand-grenades Simeyon, again according to family tradition, then obtained a number of Breda hand-grenades from the Dejazmach's house. They are said to have been around seven in number, though some other accounts suggest a slightly larger figure. Simeyon reportedly gave these little bombs to the two conspirators, and arranged with them to wait for them immediately in front of the Palace compound. Abraha and Moges, as we all know, duly hurled their grenades, it is said from the Palace balcony. They then seized the opportunity of the general excitement following the explosions - to rush out of the compound. They found Simeyon Adefres waiting for them as arranged. He then drove them northwards to Selale. Abraha had chosen this destination as his wife had found asylum at the ancient monastery of Debra Libanos. Simeyon Adefres, his mission accomplished, remained a week in Selale after which he drove back to Addis Ababa, where he returned to his home, and remained there as if nothing had happened. His temporary disappearance was, however, reported to the Fascist police; as a result of he was arrested. His Opel and bank account were seized, and he tortured to death, thus entering the Pantheon of Ethiopia's martyrs. Rumor has it that the historic old Opel still exists and is actually in Addis Ababa. The vehicle is obviously of no small historical importance, and should be consigned to an Historical Museum.

Farewell to Ketema Yifru

By Ayalew Mandefro Ethiopian Review, February 1994 It was in the late fifties continuing into the sixties when "the wind of change " began to blow strongly across the continent of Africa. The sixties was a special decade because the torch of freedom and independence was cascading rapidly from one African country to the other, as the shackles of colonialism kept and continues to do so until we all witness the burial of the last vestige of colonialism with the impending independence by the fact that one eminent Ethiopian will not be around to witness when Nelson Mandela will soon be extolled at the helm of Independent South Africa. This Ethiopian is none other than great Ethiopian and an avowed pan-Africanist, Who passed away Last week in Addis Abeba. Ironically, some thirty years ago, when the white South African security force apprehended Nelson Mandela, two articles were confiscated from his pocket; one, was the memento from Emperor Haile Selassie and the other was a small photo of Ketema Yifru which Mandela kept from his days in Ethiopia. Ketema's death may evoke many different memories to every one who remembers him, be it in Ethiopia or else where. To those of us who closely followed the path of his career and worked with him, we remember him most for the brilliant achievements he garnered both for himself and for Ethiopia when serving his country as foreign minister for more than a full decade. After all, that was enjoying great respect for their achievements and visionary thinking, both domestically and internationally. Those were the days when all Africans were in upbeat mode, many of them dazed with exuberant celebrations on the occasion of their newly acquired inde pendence. Dignitaries of all shades from every African states were criss- crossing the continent, first time for most of them, to attend these celebrations. Ethiopia too was in the take of those happy period; dies one remember when Prince Sahle Selassie was sent to Accra representing Emperor Haile Selassie for the occasion of Ghana's independence celebration in 1957? It was because of the very causes Leading to these happy events that Ketema should all the more be remembered. It was he, more than any Ethiopian foreign minister in memory, who astutely, diligently, indefatigably and with a dedicated sense of politically nationalistic support, escorted most of the African freedom movement fighters, Later turned Leader, during their trying period of political struggles en-route to independence. Taking arduous trips, from Algeria to Southern Africa or from Guinee Bisau across to neighboring Kenya, it was Ketema's unending diplomatic initiatives in Africa, not to mention his other efforts outside Africa that helped Ethiopia achieve a most successful foreign policy during the eventful period of the sixties. His work schedules at headquarters too, attested to no lesser task of activities; typically, Monday might be meeting with Amilcar Cabral, a week later was Nyerere, Kaunda was on continuing on and on, as the retinue of distinguished Africans visiting Ketema's office kept on coming. For Ketema, these series of meetings with his African counterparts were terribly important as they served him well in shaping Ethiopia's foreign policy. It was the cumulative experience he gained from such meetings that helped him most in playing a leading role in the African political landscape of the sixties during which period Ethiopia was crowned to seat the headquarters of the Organization of African Unity. It was an enviable prize with which Ketema was closely identified with French backed Senegal. Needless to mention, Ketema's diplomatic performances and participation in the non-aligned movements and in the Group of Seventy Seven are not to be underestimated for his contributions to their respective deliberations be it in Belgrade, Bandung, Cairo, United Nations, Montevideo, etc. In point of fact, for a long time, Ketema Yifru was a house hold name that appeared daily with high regard and affection in the news media throughout Africa. At one time, even figures like J. Wachuku, the ebullient external minister of the Nigerian Federation, had gone to the extent of refusing to greet any Ethiopian he met after hearing the news that his friend Ketema Yifru had been detained by the Derg. It was under such background that Ketema' professional talent and his individual character as a person came to the Lime light of outside observers. To begin with, he was a great communicator with people both socially as well as in official capacity. Apparently, his Ethiopian schoolmates recognized this in early times at Wisconsin and Boston Universities where Ketema received his higher education. In the late fifties, serving for three years as vice minister in the politically charged post of the Ministry of Pen, Ketema distinguished himself with exceptional political acumen in Ethiopia's intricate domestic politics. He used to say how important his work in this ministry meant to him by way of grasping first hand knowledge that he felt to have missed in his youth and about which, his uncle, Ato Teklu, used to narrate for him on the unique traditional system of administration practiced in the Ethiopian Imperial Court. During fascist occupation of Ethiopia, uncle Teklu and Ketema both lived together in exile with other Ethiopian refugees first, in Menchasein, Somaliland, and later at Taveta, Kenya. As a person, Ketema always behaved in a humble and disarmingly simple manner with a special knack of imparting a relaxing gesture even to officials who are noted to personify stiff protocol. I can understand that, at times, his behavior may give away some what of an impatient if not flippant impression, to someone who encounters Ketema for the first time. This perception, however, is a superficial element and eludes a lot of his enduring qualities. His colleagues have watched Ketema chairing a large conference or a special political committee's work in a ten to twelve ours marathon session without budging one bit and in perfect control of the conduct of those meetings. Ketema has also been known as an avid reader of history. His friends could hardly cope supplying him with reading materials when he remained under detention by the Derg for eight years. Incidentally, Inspite of being robed eight years of his productive life and the separation from his family, Ketema came out of detention, more mellowed and with no vengeance to speak of. He just looked fresh and ready to resume serving his country. However, the prevailing circumstances obtaining Ethiopia did not offer him with such an opportunity. His wealth of knowledge and experience would have served well in the need of present day Ethiopia. Instead, Ketema opted to serve the African peoples by joining the World Food Program of the United Nations Agency first , at the headquarters in Rome and later on in Nairobi, where he worked as an international civil servant until his retirement last October. Three months ago he returned to his home in Addis Abeba where he fell ill and passed away two weeks ago.