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  • Abune Petros
  • Professor Asrat Woldeyes
  • Professor Mesfin Woldemariam
  • Dr. Taye Wolde-SemayatProfessor
  • Abune Petros

    A Short life history of martyr bishop Abune Petros who became martyr on the 29th of July 1936, in Addis Ababa Ethiopia in the struggle against colonialism and oppression.

    Abune Petros was born in 1892 in a farmer family in the city of Fiche, which is situated north of Addis Ababa. He got the baptismal name Hailemariam that means power of Maria. As the custom of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church (EOC) tradition he got a special bishop name, that is PETROS with the Ethiopian title for a bishop which is ABUNE. As a young boy Abune Petros was known as clever, helpful and humble disciple in the church and city of Fiche. He chose early to study the EOC diakon and priest education. At the age of 24 he took the EOC oath and became a monk. He grew up and became a principled and well-known teacher around the monasteries in Fiche and Wolamo areas. In 1918 he was assigned by the EOC as the teacher and priest for the Debre-Menkrat monastery church in the region of Wolamo. Abune Petros continued to teach there when in 1924 he was assigned as the main teacher for the well-known island monastery-church of Mary, which is situated inside Lake Zewai in southern part of Ethiopia. He was well known for his teaching and preaching to the people around the region to seek first the kingdom of God: “ To put on a heart of compassion, kindness, humility, gentleness and patience. “ (Colossians 3:12) His teachings and preaching were very popular and insightful to the people in the area and the disciples he teaches in the Monastery. In 1928 in connection with the nomination of Ethiopian bishops in the St. Marks Monastery in Alexandria, he was nominated to one of four bishops of Ethiopia, with the title and name ABUNE PETROS. Abune Petros was nominated as bishop of the central and eastern part of Ethiopia. Half of his time he stayed in the City of Dessie and the surrounding monasteries, while the rest of his time he spent visiting and teaching in the monasteries around the Wereilu region. To help him in the administration of the churches and monasteries in the two regions, two priests were assigned to him one from each region. He continued to preach the gospel and teach in the churches. He was liked by many for his teachings and exhortation to stand-up for the belief, the truth and follow the example of our Lord Jesus Christ: “ For to you it has been granted for Christ’s sake, not only to believe in Him but also to suffer for His sake.” (Philippians 1:29). As we read further we will see that Abune Petros exemplified this with his life. When Italy with the leadership of fascist Mussolini’s army invaded Ethiopia in 1932, Abune Petros followed with Emperor Haile Selassie and the Ethiopian defence forces to the northern front. He helped the wounded, prayed and consecrated the dead and preached the Gospel. During that time he saw the undiscerning terror and violence of the invading army: He saw how the invading army with the help of nerve gas and technologically advanced weaponry burned down the forest and villages with innocent civilians and at last won the war at Maichew. The patriots retreated and decided to continue guerrilla warfare against the fascist army. Abune Petros, with all the impressions he got from the war and the burned villages of civilians, returned safely and took refuge in the well-known monastery church of Debre Libanos. In the monastery he urged the priests and monks to fast. He himself started to fast and pray for the mercy of God to the people of Ethiopia and prepared himself for the big challenge that is waiting ahead for him: “My earnest expectation and hope, is that I will not be put to shame in anything, but my lord Jesus Christ will even now as always be exalted in my body, whether by life or by death.”(Philippians 1:20). During these difficult times he started to question in his preaching: “How a Christian country as Italy could undertake such a hideous terror of occupation on another peaceful Christian country that is Ethiopia.” For him all Christians were brother and sister pilgrims helping each other in this world on the way to meet God in Heaven. With that he began his crusade against the invading army’s terror and killing machinery. He went further and condemned all the violent actions and killings of civilians by the invading army. The fascist army was by then committing undiscerning violent actions against innocent civilians because they had suspicion that the people are helping the patriots who were growing in both strength and manpower. During these times there were some EOC priests who out of fear of the terror of the army accepted the Italian leadership in Addis Ababa. Through these priests the fascist army sent letters to win the support of the popular and respected bishop Abune Petros to its camp, to accept the powerful army of Italy as government and stop with his preaching against the violence of the army on civilians and the patriots. If he did this they promised him the best house quarters and a peaceful life in Addis Ababa. Abune Petros saw these letters as an incitement to commit sin against God, his Christian belief and consciousness. With that he refused to accept the offer and stayed in fasting and prayer in the monastery of Debre-Libanos. “Choosing rather to endure ill-treatment with the people of God than to enjoy the passing pleasures of sin.” (Hebrews 11:25). The resistance against the encroachment and violence of the invading army kept on growing like wild fire over the whole of Ethiopia. The patriots began to win battles at different fronts. Abune Petros continued his teachings and preaching to the people to stand-up for their belief and conviction and that God would visit the downtrodden people of Ethiopia soon. He went on further and preached against Italy’s right to occupy Ethiopia with terror and violence. He exhorted the people not to be afraid of the terror and violence from the occupying army. “ I say to you my friends, do not be afraid of those who kill the body and after that have no more that they can do. But I will warn you whom to fear: fear the one who has the power to kill the body and after that has the authority to cast into hell; yes I tell you fear Him.” (Luke 12:4-5). The Italian authorities in Addis Ababa who saw and heard him preach wanted by all means to stop Abune Petros from preaching and inciting people to resistance. However, since he was a very popular and respected bishop, many in the Italian authorities would rather win his support to accept the Italian authority in Ethiopia than imprisoning or killing him. In the month of July 1936, the patriots planned and executed an attack on Addis Ababa. During that time one of the days Abune Petros clothed with his bishop garment and the ever-present hand cross rapped in a small blue scarlet cloth went into the capital city and began to preach to the people who were lamenting in the grips of the invading army. The soldiers were given order to arrest the Abune and bring him to court for treason against the Italian occupation. While he was in prison waiting for court appearance, both the priests in the city and the officers of Italy tried to convince him to accept the Italian occupation. And finally gave him the following ultimatum: To stop preaching against the occupying army’s violence and terror against civilians and the patriots, accept the Italian authorities in Addis Ababa and finally condemn the patriots as bandits. Otherwise, he was told that he will lose his life. Abune Petros refused to comply to the ultimatum set by his tormentors and through the (Italian) interpreter gave the following answer to the interrogating officers of the invading army: “The cry of my country men who died due to your nerve-gas and terror machinery will never allow my conscious to accept your ultimatum. How can I see my God if I give a blind eye to such a crime.” Listen to me, you who know righteousness, a people in whose heart is my law, do not fear the reproach of man, nor be dismayed at their revilings. For the moth will eat them like garment …….”(Isaiah 51:7-8). “Blessed are those who are persecuted for the sake of righteousness, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven.” (Matthews 5:10). After this a quickly assembled court sentenced Abune Petros to death. The news of the death sentence on the popular bishop of Ethiopia spread over the whole country. People began coming to Addis to say farewell of their beloved bishop who stood-up for the righteous cause which God have called him, for the right of the people of Ethiopia to freedom and independence and against the terror and violence of the invading army. All this from the pulpit of a church and in the presence of a deadly ultimatum upon his head. Due to his popularity the fascist army was afraid of riot and attempts by the patriots to free him from prison, and decided that the execution of the death penalty should be done as soon as possible. He was taken to his execution place where many people and the fascist army officers and generals were gathered, and were told to say his last speech. We cite the Ethiopian Orthodox church newspaper Vol. 1, No. 8.9.10, 1945 for the account: “ When Abune Petros came to the place execution and was given to say his last words, he took his hand cross and removed the blue cloth that was rapped around it and blessed the people at the four corners of the world and said the following last words: “My country men do not believe the fascists if they tell you that the patriots are bandits, the patriots are people who yearn for freedom from the terrors of fascism. Bandits are the soldiers who are standing in front of me and you, who come from afar, terrorise and violently occupy a weak and peaceful country: our Ethiopia. May God give the people of Ethiopia the strength to resist and never bow down to the fascist army and its violence. May the Ethiopian earth never accept the invading army’s rule.” After that a swarm of bullets from the execution platoon pierced and killed our beloved bishop Abune Petros. The fascist army wanted by any means to cover up the crime they did against Abune Petros and Ethiopia by forbidding everybody and all writings about his execution. Because of his popularity both inside and outside of Ethiopia they thought it might injure their policy of occupying Ethiopia due to the domestic and international opinion that grew against this act. However hard they tried to stop the publicity, the example of Abune Petros shines in all people who love the truth unto this day. Above all, the fascist army lost all credibility from the domestic opinion, many found courage after this to leave the occupying army’s stronghold in the capital city to join the patriots and fight for independence. The patriotic resistance grew more in strength and lead to a sooner freedom of the country from the fascist occupation. The popular Ethiopian Poet-Laureate Tsegaye Gebremedhin has illustrated the last days of Abune Petros life by a theatre play called: “Petros at that Hour”. A statue of Abune Petros was raised in the capital city Addis Ababa 10 years after his death, as a reminder to coming generations of: his unwavering stand for the truth, his unbending courage to stand up against every form of violence against humanity, his integrity and commitment not to give in for short term gain or threat. Above all his unwavering conviction and belief that we all will stand up one day and answer to our deeds in this life before God. Acknowledgement: The Ethiopian Orthodox Church in Sweden would like to thank the Church of Sweden. In particular bishop Jonas Jonson of the Strangnas Diocese, for all the help it got and the remembrance of our martyr bishop Abune Petros as one of the Martyrs of millennium.

    Professor Asrat Woldeyes

    Professor Asrat Woldeyes was born in Adddis Abeba, on June 20, 1928. When he was barely three years old, his family moved to the south eastern Ethiopian town of Dire Dawa (1). He was an eight year old boy when Italian Fascist occupation forces of Mussoloni invaded Ethiopia. Following the attempt on the life of the Italian fascist general Grazianni in Addis Abeba on that fateful day of 19 February 1937, his father, Ato Weldeyes Altaye, was captured and brutally murdered along with thousands of other civilians and patriotic Ethiopians by the invading Italian fascist forces and their Eritrean mercenaries. His grandfather, Kegnazmatch Tsige Werede Werk, was one of the Ethiopian patriots who was deported 2 to Italy and stayed there for three and half years along many other Ethiopian resistance fighters. As if the unfortunate death of his father was not enough, the future surgeon was struck by bouts of another misfortune i.e the loss of his mother W/o Beself Yewalu Tsige, who died of bereavement caused by the untimely and brutal death of her husband. In spite of having been struck by a paroxysm of traumatic events at such prime age, the future surgeon diligently struggled on to find his bearing and maintain his gait through the tumult and insecurity created by the sudden loss of his beloved parents at such youthful age when he needed their emotional support and parental guidance. Following the defeat of the Italian fascist occupation forces in 1941, the future surgeon came to Addis Abeba to pursue his education. In 1942 he joined the then prestigious Tafari Mekonnen School. He was an outstanding student and in 1943 he was rewarded a camera for having been the best student of the school in that academic year. From Teferi Mekonen school, he was sent to Egypt to pursue his education at Victoria college. Subsequently he was sent to UK where he joined the Medical Faculty of Edinburgh University and studied medicine. He was the 42nd student from among the Ethiopian students that were sent abroad in the post-liberation period. Untempted or untitillated by the glitter and glamour of western life, he immediately returned to his native country upon completion of his medical studies in 1956. After having served his country as a general practitioner for 5 years in the former Prince Tsehai hospital of Addis Abeba, he returned to Edinburgh (Scotland) where he specialized in surgery. He was the first Ethiopian surgeon in the post-1941 period. Professor Asrat is the founding member of the Ethiopian Medical Association (EMA), Fellow of the Royal College of Surgeons of Scotland (FRCS Edinburgh) and FRCS (England), member of the British Medical Association (BMA), the East African Surgical Association (EASA) and International College of Surgeons (USA). Since his return to his beloved country Ethiopia, Professor Asrat Woldeyes has given extraordinary medical service to his country both as a practicing physician and professor of surgery at the Addis Abeba University Medical Faculty in the establishment of which he played an important role. The medical school, in which he subsequently served as dean and professor of surgery, came into existence in 1965 as part of the Haile Selassie I university (as it was then called). II - The Disruption of Educational Development in the 1936-1941 Period - A Negative Legacy of Fascist Italy's Occupation of Ethiopia. Fascist Italy's occupation of Ethiopia deprived the country a generation of fledgling modern intellectuals. The few hundred Ethiopian intellectuals the country produced prior to 1935 were the primary targets of Italian fascist occupation forces and were accordingly hunted down and physically decimated for fear that they would serve as potential leaders of the resistance movement against Italy (2) . When the Italians left Ethiopia after 5 years of unsuccessful occupation, there was no trace of an Ethiopian intellectual elite to man or run the modern administrative machinery and shoulder the responsibility of reconstructing the war-ravaged country. Ethiopia had to wait 12 years after liberation before the first graduated nurses appeared on the scene and wait another 14 years (after liberation) before the first Ethiopian medical doctor (professor Asrat Woldeyes) has to appear on the scene (3). He was one of the first educated Ethiopians to appear on the scene in a country where the manpower vaccum created due to the unfortunate, if outrageous, extermination of Ethiopia's few intellectuals by Italian fascists and their 100,000 strong Eritrean (4) bandas (as these soldiers of fortune are called by Ethiopian patriots) or askaris between 1936-1941 meant that Ethiopia has to start ex nihilo trying to produce anew its educated elite. It also meant a painful, if intolerable, dependence on expatriates during the two decades following the liberation of Ethiopia. Expatriates had to devise plans and set up priorities for Ethiopia about which they knew or cared to know little. This surrender of decision making process to expatriates has had many untoward or negative effects on a developing nation's life like that of Ethiopia. It was these foreign experts, a good number of whom had no concern for the interest of Ethiopia, that decided what was good or bad for Ethiopia (5). More often than not, it was the views of these "omniscient" expatriate experts which had an overriding role or sway in shaping the national developmental policies and setting priorities of Ethiopia. Perhaphs nowhere was the ill-advised policies of these "omnisicient" international experts and advisers so evident as in the area of Ethiopia's public health problems. These experts advised Emperor Haile Sellase's government on the non advisability and impracticality of establishing a medical school in Ethiopia. Of course any sane person can understand the implications of such advice. It implies not being able to produce nationals locally who can best solve their country's problem head-on. It implies a humiliating and continued dependance on expatriate medical doctors who could not even directly communicate with the Ethiopian people they are meant to serve due to the language and cultural barrier such an encounter would entail. In a field like medicine, the medical professional's knowledge and mastery of the language, culture and social background of his/her would-be patient remains to be an important asset in understanding, diagnosing and treating this patient. The few Ethiopian professionals like professor Asrat had to fight hard to overcome these obstacles that were being put on their way by foreign expatriates who tried to block or delay the establishment of a medical school in Ethiopia. III - Service as a Medical Practioner and Professor of Surgery Professor Asrat vigorously struggled along with his few Ethiopian colleagues to create the first medical school in the country. This medical school came into being in 1965. And since its opening, the school of medicine has produced hundreds of medical graduates. Thanks to the effort of medical professionals like professor Asrat and his colleagues such as professors Ededmariam Tsega, Paulos Quana'a, Nebiyat Teferi, Demisse Habte, etc the school of medicine has begun to locally train various medical specialists in such fields as Surgery, Internal medicine, Gynecology and Obsteterics, Opthalmology and Pediatrics. This is an achievement we owe primarily to people like Professor Asrat and his few colleagues who have dedicated their time to create such fine national institutions that can serve the needs of their population. It is all the more surprising, though, that such national figure of extraordinary caliber has to be dismissed from the University along with 41 other senior lecturers and professors because of his political opinion. In present-day Ethiopia, where might becomes right; omnipotent ex-rebel leaders and misfits of society can become "omniscient academics" that can evaluate, dismiss and lay off at will independent-minded and "incorrigible" intellectuals. The present anti-intellectual campaign of the EPRDF government parallels that of fascist Italian period in its methods, in its anti-Ethiopian goals and, particularly, in its anti-Amhara overtones. In its drive and cruelty, EPRDF's current action surpasses the anti-intellectual campaign of the Chinese Cultural Revolution of Mao Tse Tung and Cambodia's Pol Pot in that the latter two were motivated by communist ideological infatuation (directed against Chinese and Cambodian intellectuals irrespective of their ethnic origin) while EPRDF's anti-intellectual campaign is motivated by an ethnic hatred directed against non-Tigrean Ethiopian intellectuals in general and Amhara intellectuals in particular. Until his outrageous dismissal from the Addis Abeba University medical school and teaching hospital in March 1993, Professor Asrat had served his country for 38 solid years. IV - The Dergue Period (1974-1991) In the hey days of ideological infatuation through which my generation passed, many issues of national concern had to be decided by ideologically motivated cadres that had hardly any grasp of practical issues. Ethiopia became a country where the decision-making process came to be dictated by the all pervasive ideology in wide currency then i.e socialism. Ideology assumed supremacy over professional competence and merit. This pervasive ideological supremacy over professional commitment was also to encroach upon the health sector. Ideologically-motivated, inept cadres who were for the most part people that knew little about the country's health problems tried to revise and rewrite the medical school curriculum and define priorities regarding Ethiopia's health manpower training. Few summoned up their courage to challenge the diktat of these ideologists. True to character, it was individuals like Professor Asrat who had the courage to challenge such sweeping and ill-advised revisions at a time when such opposition amounted to an act of defiance against socialism and the revolution - two sacred concepts in the Ethiopia of the mid and late 1970s. Since Ethiopian national interest was at stake, Professor Asrat never yielded to the blackmails nor the diktat of these cadres who tried to dictate terms regarding the medical curriculum or health manpower training issue in Ethiopia. Speaking on this important issue of health manpower training in Ethiopia when he addressed the eleventh Annual National Conference of the Ethiopian Medical Association (EMA) in 1975, Professor Asrat had the following to say : "It is, however, unfortunate that this important theme (the issue of health man-power training and medical curriculum of Ethiopia) has dwindled to an adulteration as it is being used by some self-styled intellectuals, to cover their own failures in life and promote their selfish motive and cover up their defects. In appearing to be saviors of the common man, they (these cadres) tell them he only needs more medical health workers that are trained in a short period. Such a concept is not knew and this was what the colonial powers in Africa did and preached. In the French colonies, the African could only go as high as the level of "medecine Africaine" or Assistant d'etranger (African Doctor or the Foreigner's assistant). Such cadres of workers were to function as paramedicals to help and assist the well trained European master who forever occupied the position of the unattainable. The very people who preach such doctrines for their countrymen, have no hesitation of employing doctors irrespective of their competence, as long as they come from other countries"(6) . Such principled stand on issues of national interest has earned Professor Asrat and his few colleagues the then popular label "die-hard, conservative, bourgeoisie reactionary intellectual, etc". This was an insult courageous people like him had to bear or stomach because of their professional defiance against an inept regime and system that tried to impose its own diktat on the medical profession and system. Few Ethiopian professionals have shown such professional defiance which, in those terrible days, amounted to risking one's career, and above all, one's life at a time when ideologists and cadres dictated terms and opposition to their diktat amounted to national treason. Contrary to the allegations of the groups that are currently in power, professor Asrat was not a yes-man that appeased and is willing to appease those in power - past or present. He has always been a man who spoke out his mind regardless of the consequences which such "defiant" behaviour would entail. If readers need more proof about professor Asrat's determination to defend the truth without any regard for its consequences, here is one more example of his confrontation with the Dergue regarding the the circumstances around the death of the late emperor Haile Selassie. Here is what professor John H. Spencer wrote in testimony about the courage of professor Asrat in his monumental book entitled "Ethiopia At Bay : A Personal Account of Haile Selassie's Years". Spencer wrote : "The Dergue announced that Haile Selassie had been found dead in bed and that it had immediately summoned the former emperor's physician Dr. Asrat Woldeyes. With considerable courage, the doctor publicly denied any such summons. He had been at home all day and no such call had ever reached him" (7) . In 1980, at the height of the war in the north, professor Asrat was sent to the northern town of Mistswa (which is since May 1991 part of the Eritrean state). Here he had to treat war causalities that fell on both sides of the warring factions. For the Tigrean elites who are currently in power in Eritrea and Ethiopia, professor Asrat's service in Mistswa was an act of cooperation with the defunct former military regime. As such following EPRDF's assumption of power in Ethiopia, professor Asrat was subjected to an intense campaign of character assassination by EPRDF controlled newspapers and magazines like Efoyta, Maleda, Abiyotawi Democracy, Addis Zemen, the Ethiopian Herald, etc. Answering to these outrageous charges in 1993, Professor Asrat stated that : "According to medical ethics and the oath any medical doctor swears, it is the duty of every medical doctor to treat all those who present themselves with medical problems. In this sense, in my capacity as a medical doctor, I have treated the late Emperor Haile Selassie and the family of Mengistu Haile Mariam in the yester-years. At the same time, through out my life, I have been treating many poor Ethiopians who could not afford to pay anything for their medical care. And I am still doing that and it is my duty to treat all those poor who helplessly lie on the streets and come to seek my professional help. I am duty bound to treat any one that comes to my attention to the best of my ability and expertise. If it is their wish I am also prepared to treat members of the present ruling groups (EPRDF/TPLF) when and if they need my help since it is my professional duty to treat and help them (irrespective of their political views, etc) should they need my help (8) ". V - Altruisitc Service and Medical Ethics (1956-1993) In spite of his extensive surgical skills and knowledge, professor Asrat has never been tempted to use his skill and knowledge to enrich himself or neast his feather. He was not one of those medical doctors who set up private clinics to line up their pockets. Had that been the case, today he could have been one of the few Ethiopian millionaires par excellence and his place would not have been in the verminated prison cells of Kershele at such an advanced age (he is currently 69 years old). But he is not a man that runs after money or self aggrandizement. He is a very God-fearing and ethical surgeon who leads a very inconspicuous, simple and humble life. It was these altruistic qualities and his life-time professional service and commitment to the Ethiopian people that earned him a glorious name worthy of respect and panegeryisim among the people of Ethiopia of all ethnic and religious groups who have come from all corners of Ethiopia to seek his professional help. This simplicity endeared him to all his colleagues and his patients.
  • Professor Mesfin Woldemariam

    Professor Mesfin Woldemariam was born in 1930 in Addis Abeba. He pursued his elementary education in Addis Abeba and attended higher education first in India and later in the U.S. studying philosophy and geology. He received his BA and MA degrees majoring in geography. In 1959, he joined the Addis Abeba University (then named Haile Selassie I University) as a lecturer and worked there upto 1985 in the department of geography. Prof. Mesfin traveled extensively within Ethiopia and abroad for research and presentation of his works. He has immense knowledge about the geo-political situation of the country and authored many books on Ethiopia. Among the books he has written are, Suffering Under God's Environment, (1991), Rural Vulnerability to Famine in Ethiopia, (1984), Introducing Geography to Ethiopia (1970), and Background to Ethio-Somalia Boundary Dispute, (1964). A father of three children and chairman of EHRCO, Prof. Mesfin is one of the few Ethiopian intellectuals who speaks and dares to challenge Ethiopian regimes, past and present. He is highly respected in Ethiopia and seen with apprehension by his opponents due to his bold views. Interview Q. How do you evaluate the human rights situation in Ethiopia during the past four years? A. Ethiopia is still a country where gross human rights violations exist. Within the last four years mass killings such as happened in Areka, Welayita, in Adebabay Iyesus Church in Gonder, more recently in the Anwar Mosque in Addis Abeba and others are well known. Extra-judicial killings of individuals still continue in various parts of the country. Torture is a regular practice of attempting to extract information from persons who often do not know anything about the desired information and there are several persons, including women, that are maimed by torture. Involuntary disappearances illegal detention, i.e., detention without court order, are common in Ethiopia. All cases that EHRCO reports are true and verifiable, defined by names of individuals, places and dates. When you come to professional associations and trade unions, what the laws say is one thing, while what is practiced is quite different. Take the Confederation of Ethiopian Trade Unions (CETU) which was dissolved by administrative fiat in less than one year of its existence. Recently, the president of the now suspended CETU was first denied exit visa. Then he was given one. Then the Embassy of the United States refused to give him entry visa. Finally, when the Embassy of the United State provided him with entry visa and was about to leave, his passport was seized at the airport and denied departure. EHRCO, as well as several other NGOs, have not received certificate of registration because the regime uses all sorts of excuses to deny them the right of registration according to the law. In fact, recently, after EHRCO's book, Democracy, Rule of the Law and Human Rights in Ethiopia: Rhetoric and Practice, was published, the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia suddenly and arbitrarily blocked EHRCO's account. Violations of human rights in Ethiopia are too many to enumerate in such a brief interview. One point that must be emphasized in connection with the gross violations of human rights, such as the violation of the right to life, is that they are committed with absolute impunity. So far, not a single person who has violated the right to life has been brought to justice. Therefore the excuse given by the U.S. and European friends of EPRDF that such actions are not results of policy but the actions of aberrant individuals in the security forces is senseless. Q. What is EHRCO's definition of peace? Do you believe that there is peace and stability in the country? A. We do not believe that peace is merely the absence of the sound of bullets or explosives, although this is by no means absent as we are regularly reminded by the regime and its Western supporters. The most important aspect of peace, we believe, is in the minds and hearts of people; it is the confidence that people have or do not have in the rule of law and due process; it is the presence or absence of nagging worries of detention, of disappearances, of losing a job or life; it is the presence or absence of pervasive fear that paralyzes the mind and spirit. Western embassies or visitors cannot feel the Ethiopian experience. The Ethiopian spirit is very much disturbed. The Ethiopian mind is very much disturbed. Fear is paralyzing the Ethiopian society. That is not peace. Where there is paralyzing fear there cannot be peace. Q. How do you assess the emergence of free press in Ethiopia during the transitional period? A. Like everything else, the so-called free press in Ethiopia is a palliative agent for the gullible Western donor community. Private journalists are constantly harassed, imprisoned, fined and threatened. This does not at all mean that the private journalists are always free from incriminating offenses. The point is that if the regime really believed in free press, it would encourage them to learn the trade in a condition of freedom, for that is the only way one can learn effectively. Q. In EHRCO'S reports, one could see cases of defiance of court orders by government officials. What impact do you think it shall have in the practice of due process of law in the country? A. EHRCO has documented several cases of defiance of court orders in many of its reports even instruction to courts by the Prime Minister. This is the most glaring evidence for the fact that there is no rule of law in the country. The courts, the police and other supposedly law enforcement agencies operate under the party (EPRDF), not under the law. As we now learn, even the Commercial Bank operates, exactly as it did under the Derg regime, under the EPRDF; for it has, without any legal basis whatsoever, blocked the accounts of EHRCO. It was normal under the Derg to block the accounts of individuals and organizations. It is ruled by the regime's cadres. This is a most serious problem in a country where traditionally the rule of law and the sense of justice figure very high in governance. Q. We know that, there are seven reports of human rights violation in Ethiopia made public by EHRCO so far. The Council appealed "to all human rights organizations, political and religious associations as well as governments and international agencies" to influence the leaders of the EPRDF to take corrective action. Any response since then? A. Our appeals are made to people with conscience. In a world where expediency and the pursuit of self-interest are the rules, it is not easy to find men and women of conscience. We also have to remember that human rights for the U.S. and for many of the European countries is not a matter of principle but an instrument of foreign policy. It means human rights may be made an issue for regimes that have hostile or independent positions, but for regimes that are considered friendly, both eyes can be effectively shut as far as human rights are concerned. Under the Derg, the U.S. made human rights a central issue. At the moment, it is not an issue at all. At the moment, for the U.S. it appears that human rights are more of an issue in Kenya than in Ethiopia. This does not mean, however, that there are not people in North America and Europe genuinely interested in human rights. There are many who are fighting our battles in different fora. One must also imagine what would have happened without the Ethiopian Human Rights Council. The regime in power may hate us for exposing its excesses, but they definitely must, in their sober moments, appreciate the fact that we have tempered them a little. Q. What is your observation of the role spiritual leaders play in Ethiopia in general and their following in particular? A. I believe that the Ethiopian society suffers from moral bankruptcy. One of the most important reasons is that the spiritual leaders, I am sorry to say, are neither spiritual nor leaders. The only church that had the moral courage to associate itself to a certain degree with human rights is the Lutheran church. The other Churches and Muslim leaders have very carefully distanced themselves from the activities of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council. We should also not forget that abject poverty is not a fertile ground for the development of moral and spiritual courage. Everyone is preoccupied about the next meal, and the present regime is intensifying poverty in order to bring all the people under its boots. The Derg did that through nationalization of urban and rural land, industries, banks, and insurance companies. The EPRDF regime has continued with the Derg's policy of nationalization. In addition, it is arbitrarily dismissing civil servants and workers by the thousands, thus reducing them to penury. A combination of poverty, fear and anxiety tends to create conditions favorable for demoralization and spiritual decadence. Q. You are often being heard in public criticizing the inclusion of the clause in the new constitution of Ethiopia which reads " religion shall not interfere in the affairs of government." From the view point of human rights, what is your fear about its inclusion? A. In the new constitution drafted by EPRDF, there is a clause stating that government shall not interfere in the affairs of religion. Then it goes on to say that religion shall not interfere with the affairs of government. The two are apparently intended to define the reciprocal relationship of church and state. Religion is personal, and so it is right that government must be out of it. Government is public, and therefore, religious individuals and groups, like other associations and organization, have the right to influence it, and if need be, to change it through democratic means. The surprising thing is that I have heard European diplomats supporting it. Positively, they would be considered half-wits if they uttered that in their own countries. For Africans anything is good. Q. Do you have any evidence of eminent danger that might jeopardize peace and stability in the country? If so, what do you suggest as a solution to arrest that danger? A. Well, I think you know very well that the Derg was saying the same thing, that everything was going well for them. Even when I told them in April of 1991 that it was a quarter to six, meaning there was only 15 minutes of light left, they thought I was merely trying to annoy them. Similarly, conditions in Ethiopia today are very bad. The ethnic policy of EPRDF, on one hand, and its economic policy, on the other are driving people to hatred and desperation. Desperation breeds desperation. EPRDF, too, is becoming desperate as is shown by its attempt to paralyze the Ethiopia Human Right Council. When illegal actions become the norm for the regime in power, that is a sign of desperation, not of confidence. Consider the conspiratorial declaration of the 18 Ambassadors. What does it indicate? It certainly does not demonstrate, as far as the Ethiopian people are concerned, that the regime is popular, because if it were so, the attempted defense of it by the Ambassadors would have been utterly irrelevant and unnecessary. Whether they realized it or not, that declaration by the ambassadors was a testimony to the unpopularity of EPRDF's dictatorial rule. Ultimately it will be the Ethiopian people that suffer from the disaster that is in the making by the deepening ethnic and religious problems in the country. The key to the solution of this problem is in the hands of those who created the problem in the first place, EPRDF. Do they want to turn the Ethiopian people into a political (i.e., civil) society, or do they want to turn themselves into a despotic autocracy with Western assistance? If they are captivated by lust for power, they will choose the latter course, which is a course that leads everybody to disaster. If they understand the mood of the Ethiopian people and their long term interests, then they have to turn themselves into democrats and shed totally their obsession with Marxism-Leninism. Q. Professional associations as well as many political organizations and citizens at large raised their voices at different occasions for national reconciliation in Ethiopia. Does EHRCO share the same view? A. Definitely. EHRCO is convinced that national reconciliation is extremely important if we are to develop in any field of endeavor. Look at how many professionals in Ethiopia lost during the period of the Derg, and how that exodus of professionals is continuing today. Every regime that comes to power by force is inherently anti-intellectual and anti-professional as a result of their inadequacy and insecurity. The nation loses. Look at the Ethiopian Telecommunications which once was second to none. Look at the Ethiopian Electric Power and Light Authority, the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia, Addis Abeba University, Ethiopian Airlines. Everyone of these institutions and agencies has gone abysmally down from what it was twenty years ago. The trained and experienced manpower is constantly being depleted. The downward trend is still continuing. That is why we need reconciliation and spiritual regeneration to cultivate respect for professionalism, mutual trust and confidence, a healthy spirit of competition and cooperation. Otherwise, it does not require extraordinary imagination to picture the next round of exodus from Ethiopia. Q. What would you say are EHRCO's most important accomplishments so far? A. EHRCO's accomplishments are better left for others to say. History will judge it. Q. How do you see EHRCO's future? A. EPRDF has now taken what it perhaps considers the ultimate step to paralyze EHRCO by instructing its cadres in the Commercial Bank to block EHRCO's account. Two factors will determine EHRCO's future: the members of EHRCO and the Ethiopian people at large, not EPRDF

    Dr. Taye Wolde-SemayatProfessor

    Dr. Taye Wolde-Semayat was a professor of political science at Addis Ababa University in Ethiopia's capital until authorities summarily dismissed him in 1993. He was president of the Ethiopian Teachers' Association, the country's largest labor union, until authorities arrested him in 1996. Court proceedings against Dr. Taye, which breached international standards for fair trial, ended in June 1999 with his sentence to 15 years' imprisonment for conspiracy against the state. The prosecution charged him with membership in an armed opposition group, using as evidence a "confession" that Dr. Taye has declared a forgery and that was withheld from his defense lawyers until it was presented as evidence in court. Prosecutors based much of their case on evidence of witnesses who later retracted their testimony, saying their statements had been extracted under torture. For varying periods during his three years of detention before delivery of the verdict, Dr. Taye was threatened by guards, shackled in solitary confinement, confined in a fetid cell with 250 other prisoners, and held in a cell with the light burning 24 hours a day. Following international pressure on his behalf, his conditions of imprisonment improved. The true reason for Dr. Taye's imprisonment appears to be his peaceful opposition to government policies and his legitimate teachers' union activities. As an educator, he opposed the government policy of decentralizing Ethiopia's educational system.

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