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PREFACE

The only published tales from the Western Apache are those of Goddard in the Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. 24, parts 1-4, which came out in 1918 and contain a small collection of White Mountain tales and a slightly larger collection from the San Carlos Apache. Among those from the San Carlos all are duplicated in the present collection, excepting "The Sisters are Lured by a Flute" and "The Loaf, the Cloth, and the Hide," both of which also may exist among the White Mountain Apache. No tales from Cibecue, Southern Tonto, and Northern Tonto have been published. Those few taken down from the first two show nothing radically different from corresponding tales of the White Mountain or San Carlos Apache.

The following tales form a fairly complete collection from the White Mountain Apache. There are doubtless a few which have not been obtained and other versions are probably extant. All tales except those from Charley Sago and Alsus were taken down at Bylas ² , on the San Carlos reservation, between March and July, 1932, and March and December, 1936. Those from Charley Sago were obtained in August, 1931, during travels in the mountains north of Bylas and the one from Alsus in July, 1936 on Cedar Creek. The work was done under the auspices of the University of Arizona, in connection with a general study of the Western Apache.

Tales are to be told during the night, at any time from dusk till dawn. The sun should not see you doing it. They are meant to be heard only during the cold months, from November to February. ³  In the spring, summer, and fall too much danger is abroad — snakes, poisonous insects, and lightning. For this reason people wait till such evil things are absent so they will not hear themselves spoken of and punish the narrator or his family.

Tales may be divided into two major and two minor cycles. "Creation" and "Coyote" are the major ones. The minor cycles are "Big Owl" and the "Gaan" [ga‧n]. There are also miscellaneous tales such as "Vulva Woman," "Grasshopper Loses His Leg," "How Gila Monster Got His Name," "The Man Who Visited the Sky With the Eagles." European tales learned, as Apache themselves sometimes admit, from captives taken in the Spanish and Mexican settlements to the south, have been included at the end of this collection. Not included are the brief clan legends having mainly to do with origins and migrations of clans. These, curiously enough, are not classed with the rest of the mythology and the general opinion is that they may be told at any time of year. There is also the usual assortment of adventure stories, — episodes in the life of actual individuals. Though several of these have become almost classic, they are sharply distinguished from true myths.

The Creation is embodied in several tales: "He Goes to His Father", "Slaying of Monsters", "Naaye’nezghane [na‧ye’nezγane] Wins His Wife Back", and "Naaye’nezghane Obtains Horses." It is interesting, in comparison with Navajo mythology, to note that the emergence tales does not play an important part and is seldom heard. All stress is placed on Naaye’nezghane and his doings.

Various episodes included by one narrator in a tale are often told as entirely separate tales by another. This is particularly true of the principal tale of the Creation cycle. When telling it all narrators invariably put in the parts dealing with the birth of Naaye’nezghane and Tubah Ch’ischine [t‘uba tc’istcine], the journey to the sun, the trials of Naaye’nezghane there and his return to earth where he proceeds to slay the monsters. But certain parts that come after can be told as separate tales, some narrators acknowledging them as belonging with this principal myth, others saying that they are independent. Examples are: "Obtaining Bow and Arrows," "Grasshopper Loses His Leg," "How Gila Monster Got His Name," "The Man Who Visited the Sky With the Eagles."

Every tale does not have a title, though many are referred to by names quite widely known among White Mountain Apache. Some tales are known or alluded to only by sentences descriptive of the main event in them and these may differ from person to person, as do titles at times. Where possible, titles were secured from two sources, John Rope, a Western White Mountain man, and Francis Drake. Titles from the Apache are marked by asterisk.

Inquiries as to an accepted order of events and sequences of myths disclosed their absence. One old man admitted my question had started him thinking about this for the first time. He made an effort to regiment the tales he knew, but with much hesitation. It is usually admitted that the tale "The Earth Is Set Up" must be the first event, but order of following tales is purely conjectural and opinions differ. Absence of a strict sequence is indicated by the mixture of tales from different cycles which may come to the narrator's mind. However the order of events in a given tale is recognized, and epochs of one which can be told as separate tales may retain their sequence.

Tales are of two classes: altogether holy tales said by some to explain the origin of ceremonies and holy powers, and tales which have to do with the creation of the earth, the emergence, the flood, the slaying of the monsters, and the origins of customs. Any of the latter class can be told to persons regardless of sex or age, even though some of them are holy in part. They are often used to entertain children. Only one tale in this group is generally withheld from women or children, and usually taught to men when they are acquiring the supernatural power said to be based on it. This is that part of the main tale of the Creation cycle which has to do with Naaye’nezghane and Gułil’isi. This tale is the acknowledged basis of gambling power used to disable an adversary in a game where heavy betting occurs, and the power is considered very dangerous to the uninitiated and to the women and children. The Creation cycle also contains certain tales and parts of tales which are the basis of an important cycle of songs called "Gǫzhǫ Sįh" [gǫjǫ sį‘], used in the girl's puberty ceremony and on other occasions. These are: "The Earth is Set Up" and two parts in the main tale of the Creation cycle: "He Goes to His Father" and "Naaye’nezghane Obtains Horses." "The Emergence" is considered to be the basis of the ant ceremony and songs. The majority of tales in the first class are intimately associated with the ceremonies and powers to which they pertain and are most often known in full to the person who has the ceremony based on them. "He Who Became a Snake" is considered by some to be dangerous for women and children, because of the power in it. Snake shamans, in telling the story to their children, placed a pinch of pollen in the mouth of each in order that they might retain it. It was usually withheld from children who were not the shaman's close blood kin, as a man wanted only his children or grandchildren to have it. "She Who Became a Deer," "He Fell Down With Bear," "The Talking Horse," are all tales of this first class. Some of them are told in full in the words to songs of the ceremonies said to originate from them.

Three important White Mountain tales are not included in this collection: "The Gambler Who Secured the Water Ceremony," "The Man Who Visited the Sky with the Eagles," and "He Who Became a Snake." All are holy, the first accounting for the origin of the Water Ceremony, the second for the Hawk Ceremony, and the third for the Snake Ceremony. Goddard has recorded them in "White Mountain Apache Myths and Tales" (Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, Vol. 26, part 2). There is reason to believe that "He Who Became a Snake" is not given in full, as a wealth of detail in the songs of this ceremony is omitted from Goddard's version.

Stories are told inside the dwelling about the fire. Almost everyone knows the more common such as "He Goes to His Father" and "The Slaying of the Monsters," and the Coyote episodes. Of all the tales, those concerning Coyote seem to be the most popular, particularly with children. They are full of the ludicrous behavior of Coyote and the listeners always laugh heartily at his pranks. Older children would sometimes say: "Let's go to that old man (usually someone in the maternal grandfather class) and get him to tell us stories." So at dark, they went to the old man's camp and asked him to tell them tales half the night. Those containing holy power or recounting its exercise appealed more to grown men than to children.

The characterization of animals is a curious mixture of animal and human. To the question: "How do you think of the animals when you are telling or listening to one of these stories? Was Coyote like he is today, or did he look like a man?" John Rope's answer was: "I think of him as being just like a man when I tell about him, with face, hands, and feet like a man. They say that all the animals were people in those days. That is why I think about them in this way." To the same question, Francis Drake answered: "The old people used to say that Coyote wore clothes in the stories, but that he walked on all fours and had the body of a coyote. So that is the way in which I think of him. I guess all the animals had clothes like him, but were in the shapes that they are in now." There apparently is more than one concept. Two animals have their personalities sharply drawn: Coyote and Big Owl. Coyote's doings were both good and bad. Without his help and initiative, the people would have lacked many of the important things in life, but at other times his actions outlawed him. In talking of him, narrators call attention to this. His duplicity and cunning are well brought out, but often he falls for his simplest of hoaxes. Coyote never follows a middle course. Big Owl is a very different person. He is large and blundering, sensuous and slow-witted. His thoughts and doings are all destructive.

Naaye’nezghane, with exception of the sun, is the most important male being in White Mountain Apache religion. His actions are above criticism except in one case, "The only mistake he ever made," the Apache point out bitterly. ⁴  All that he did was for the good of the earth and people on it. Without him no human could have survived. He is everything that is good, holy, and manly. ’Isdzanaadleehe [’isdzana‧dle‧he] is the most important of female beings and benefactress particularly of crops. Sometimes she is the mother of Naaye’nezghane, and again she is spoken of as his maternal grandmother. The Gaan [ga‧n] are a class of supernaturals living inside the mountains and certain caves and who may be equated with the Pueblo kachinas. They were a people living on this earth long ago, but went away never to return. If invoked properly, their help may be obtained, or if slighted or trespassed upon, they may do harm. Their ceremony is one of the most important.

The myths are primarily used for amusement or conveyance of ritual knowledge, yet many have a moral of which the narrator is well aware. This is particularly true of the Coyote tales, and parents or grandparents after telling these to children, often gave a short lecture to the youngsters: "Don't do like Coyote did in the story. He did a lot of bad things for us long ago such as marrying his daughter and stealing. But because he did these things, don't you do them! You see, Coyote married his daughter and for this reason some people still do it. But you must not do as he did. It is very bad."

Some men and women are noted as good story tellers. Gesture with the hands and arms and posture of the head and body are frequently used to illustrate a story. This usually follows a regular, though extremely simple, pattern, as in the gesture for the shooting of an arrow, etc. There is also a definite sense of the dramatic in the good story teller and he will model the fine points of his tale in order to get the best out of them. This is principally done where humorous or dangerous and awesome situations arise. The narrator then strives to create a growing sense of the ludicrous or awe-inspiring till the climax is reached. Though these Apache may not use the grand climax so common is our own stories, it would not be correct to say that they lack or avoid climax in story telling. True, many tales lack marked climaxes, but others, especially the longer ones, contain a series of high points. That these are climaxes is indicated by the fact that some story tellers in reaching them, raise the voice as in humorous incidents, or lower it and not infrequently talk with the lips compressed and from the back of the mouth giving a peculiarly restrained and mouthed sound to the words when mentioning dangerous, holy, or sinister things. A like practice is found among certain individuals in singing or chanting holy songs. The variation of voice in story telling can be very evident, though not all make use of it to the same degree. "Naaye’nezghane traveled over a big mountain," can be said in two quite different ways; one in a matter of fact voice, the other in a deep constrained tone, which for the Apache and even for the White can bring out with identical words the great towering dark mass of the mountain with its ridge on ridge piling up and away to a distant and mysterious summit. The voice is decidedly more important and more used for emphasis than gesture, which at times may be totally absent.

Besides the formal beginnings and endings for tales, there are two other style forms which should be mentioned. The first is the use of the word ’akogoh [’ak‘ogo‘] which may be equated with our "then." It signifies the next thing that happened at the beginning of every important sentence. In many places, it has been omitted from the text to avoid monotony. Its retention in others is to preserve something of the original form. The second, jindii [djindi‧], is a phrase which has been left out entirely except at beginnings of tales. It comes at the end of every sentences or group of related sentences, and means, "they say," or "it is said," and implies hearsay. Both expressions may be used in conversation as well as story telling. Of folklore, they are an integral part.

The Apache have a great love of humor and the mysteriously powerful, and their folklore is full of instances in which these elements occur. Often other Apaches than the narrator were present during the recording of tales, and this offered an opportunity to observe their reactions to various parts. Those parts of tales which appeared especially funny to listeners have been indicated. Many of these incidents are things which might occur in daily life and the thought of their happening among animals is an added amusement. Apache folklore is or has been till recently a very living thing. Where new traits were added to the culture, the folklore was built up to account for them. The horse, of course, was introduced possibly two-hundred and fifty years ago among these people, and is now definitely a part of the culture and mythology. The raiding of Spanish, Mexicans, and Whites in earlier days is explained in mythology as a part of the culture, and Coyote's efforts to read a letter written on paper is, in a way, an expression of the modern. However, the reflection of European contact is decidedly small in comparison to the great mass of native material.

Like other folklore, that of the White Mountain Apache contains certain motives which are found in more than one tale. These are:

• Turkey and Bear shaking out foods,
• making dried meat from snot, planting cooked corn,
• the hero who enters Spider Old Woman's hole and is helped by her,
• traveling by magic flute,
• use of holy hoops in changing a person back to human form,
• the hero coming from a distant place unknown to the widely traveled birds who are asked about it.

Much information concerning the economic life, material culture, society and religion is to be found in tales, and it is important to note the tales besides incorporating such information, are used by the Apache themselves to convey knowledge. Moreover, the fact that certain ideas or phases of life are stressed, when reasonably interpreted, cannot fail to mean that they are of significance to the Apache and therefore important in any study made of them. At the same time, it would not be correct to say that all culture phases not stressed are unimportant.

For the greater part of the yearly food supply, plant foods were relied upon. Meat secured by hunting game, both large and small, was used to a slightly lesser degree. Probably two-thirds of the total plant food consumed was from wild plants, the remaining portion from domestic crops. In the following tales, one cannot help noticing that wild food plants and the gathering and preparation of them are frequently mentioned. The greater part of tale 7 [The flood: Turkey makes the corn: How Coyote showed the way to make a living] is given over to a description of various wild foods. Again, agriculture receives attention, and some idea of its importance among these people may be had when we find it referred to in eight tales. Hunting is most often mentioned in connection with deer, and naturally so for the deer was the most important large game animal. The territory of the White Mountain Apache is sharply divided into various life zones, because of the marked changes in elevation from north to south. These zones offered a diversity of economic supplies and using all of them as they did, the Apache were on the move much of the time during the growing season. Something of this round, from farm to wild crops, to hunting is brought out, especially in tale 7. Considerably less is to be found on material culture; utensils, tools, weapons, and clothing are not described minutely as names are sufficient to bring to the native mind all their familiar attributes.

Social structure was built primarily on the family cluster, composed of several house units. Matrilocal residence was the most common condition, though patrilocal residence was not infrequent. The average family cluster was made up on an older couple with one or two married daughters and not infrequently a married son. Strongly developed matrilineal clans were present. The closest bonds and obligations were with the maternal relatives. Several family clusters within a given area were commonly united into a larger unit, the local group, over which one man known as "chief" had considerable authority. Chieftainship depended to great extent on strength of character, wisdom, family backing, wealth, and generosity. Wealth was one of the principal criteria of success and social position. Ordinarily, it was not inherited but was built up by work and achievement, and only lasted as long as the individual was physically and mentally capable of maintaining it.

Data concerning kinship may be drawn from the myths. The maternal grandparent is mentioned time and again, either as an actual grandparent or as someone who helps an individual in need. The paternal grandparent figures not at all. This is quite typical, as in life the maternal grandparents are very important to children, instructing them, caring for them when the mother is busy, and playing with them. Though paternal grandparents may live close to children, be fond of them and show them considerable attention along the same lines, they never occupy an equal place in Apache thought. The cooperation of brothers in tales is also the normal pattern. In one tale, we find mention several times of the maternal uncle or sister's child. This relationship and the obligation it entails is one of the most important in the entire social structure. Siblings of the father are by no means as important as siblings of the mother. The most often mentioned kinship term is that for cross-cousins. In life, the relationship between cross-cousins (distantly related) is an outstanding one in that it may entail a joking relationship which permits of the greatest license. The rough practical jokes cross-cousins play on each other are endless. The tales, Coyote always addresses individuals by the cross-cousin term. He is continually thinking up ways to trick these same characters who reciprocate with the term, because they expect such conduct of him.

In only four tales are clans mentioned. In view of the fact that clan is the most common method of identification and that it plays a very important part in extension of kinship terms and obligations, it seems curious that it is not mentioned more frequently. However, it is decidedly less important than blood kinship on the maternal side and the Apache is far more likely to think in terms of the latter. Considering the fact that there are clan legends and that after all clan is mentioned in a few tales, it would not be safe to draw inferences from this alone that the clan was of later adoption, though such a conjecture might be quite valid ⁵ .

The number of times courtship and marriage are mentioned is striking. From these references, a fairly complete picture of marriage practices may be drawn. Marriage was an outstanding social event and the negotiations and the exchange of gifts between the families involved often continued over several months. The fact that one must have property to make a good marriage is well brought out. Matrilocal residence is mentioned several times in tales, whereas patrilocal residence occurs not more than once or twice. At marriage, which is a distinct change of social and physical status, the term "girl" is almost invariably changed to "woman."

Religion is so much emphasized in folklore that, perhaps, it needs less attention here than other phases of the culture. First, the personification of earth, water, lightning, other elements and natural phenomena, and of animals and birds is extremely important in Apache religion. Secondly, the holy power that these sources contain and the way in which it is used in helping or punishing man occur also in religious belief. Thirdly, the contacts through which man may acquire these powers for himself and use them are well described. The great holy experiences told in certain tales which purport to be the origins of various ceremonies were paralleled by similar holy events in actual individuals' lives. Some of the most important people in Apache culture were the men possessing holy power and a ceremony, and those who had curing rights were continually called on in times of sickness. They were respected and some of them feared because of their power. The part shamans and their holy power play in folklore is best illustrated in the tales. ⁶ 

Rather amusing and quite enlightening data as to the Apache attitudes and beliefs concerning Europeans (both Spanish-Americans and Anglo-Americans are included here) are to be found in several of the tales. The types of Europeans with whom they have come in contact have influenced these considerably. Thus the rich man is described as driving elegantly about in his buggy, with a man to hold the horse for him when he wishes to stop. He owns many cattle and horses, as well as a saloon and a store! He dresses in fine clothes and has plenty to eat. To the Apache, these things mean the acme of prestige in European culture. On the other hand, some signs of enmity and contempt for Europeans are shown in the mention of their greed of gold, and the way Coyote, who is thought of as allied with the Apache, when jailed by the Whites, easily outwits them at almost every following encounter. Again the man who works for the Devil in "Magic Flight" is definitely Apache and manages to win out in spite of the Devil (a white man). A comical imitation of the self-important white official at his desk, reading a paper, which Coyote gives in reading the letter at Sun's house, is unmistakenly applicable to what the Apache sees when he visits the government agency.

In the European tales, we find interesting evidences of Apache ideas. Thus though the number of three occurs in several of the tales, not uncommonly it is shortly followed by the Apache four. The dragon which the hero slays outside the city in one tale is described as one of the mythical monsters which Naaye’nezghane slew, and after he is killed his meat is distributed among the populace in true Apache fashion. A magic ring is interpreted in terms of supernatural power and the question asked concerning the owner of the ring, "Where does he get his power?" is typically Apache. Again, a sulphur wheat bush is pulled up and entrance to an underworld is gained through the hole it leaves. The hero who works for the Devil resting his head in the Devil's daughter's lap so that she may delouse him, is merely one more Apache motive.

The myths told in this collection were told by Palmer Valor, Francis Drake, Bane (or Barney) Tithla, Anna Price, Charley Sago, and Alsus. They were taken down with the aid of interpreters, Richard Bylas, a White Mountain man about 47 years old, Neil Buck, also of the White Mountain group and approximately the same age, Clyne Jose, who is of the San Carlos group and about 27 years old, and Thomas Riley of the Cibecue group, some 60 years of age. All interpreters live at or near Bylas, except Riley who lived at Canyon Day, near Fort Apache.

Palmer Valor was of the Western White Mountain band and T’iisłednt’iidn [t’i‧słednt’i‧dn] clan, originally coming from near Canyon Day. He died in the spring of 1933 at Bylas, approximately 96 years old. He knew a great deal about the old culture and was a shaman having several ceremonies, but known chiefly for his deer power. Richard Bylas interpreted for him.

Francis Drake is of the Eastern White Mountain band and T’iisłednt’iidn clan, but has spent the greater part of his life on the San Carlos reservation. An elderly man and well versed in myths, he is also a shaman with a reputation. Richard Bylas and Neil Buck interpreted for him.

Bane Tithla, from whom many of the tales come, was of the Eastern White Mountain band and Naadots’usn [na‧dots’usn] clan, and had lived on the San Carlos reservation most of his life. He was a man of about 50 years, when he died in 1937 and though too young to have taken an active part in the life of his people in pre-reservation times, he knew a great deal about that period from older relatives. He had considerable ceremonial knowledge as some of his tales show, and said that many of those he told were acquired from his maternal grandfather, between 1893 and 1897, when he was learning holy power from him. Richard Bylas interpreted some of the tales, but most of them were interpreted by Clyne Jones.

Anna Price was of the Eastern White Mountain band and ’Iyah’aįyeh [’iya‘-’aįye‘] clan, originally coming from the East Fork of White River, near Fort Apache, where she spent more than a third of her life. Since then, she had lived on the San Carlos reservation. She was an old woman close to 100 years when she died in the spring of 1937. Her father was the most influential White Mountain chief of his time. Because of her great age, her knowledge of the old culture was complete. She possessed several curing ceremonies. It is interesting to note that almost all her tales include a wealth of detail concerning certain cultural traits and practices, more so than those recorded from any other person. They deal especially with womens' work and marriage, and it may be that they are a type of tale peculiar to women. Richard Bylas and Neil Buck interpreted for her.

Charley Sago is of the Western White Mountain band and Naaghudesgizhn [na‧γudesgijn] clan, but has lived most of his life on the San Carlos reservation. He is about 50 and has ceremonial knowledge and a good understanding of the old culture. Richard Bylas interpreted for him.

Alsus is of the Western White Mountain band and Bisząąha [biszą‧ha] clan, and has lived most of his life in the vicinity of Cedar Creek, west of Fort Apache. He is about 85 and apparently well-informed concerning the old culture. Thomas Riley interpreted for him.

Besides those who told and interpreted the tales and whose patience and painstaking hours of effort made this work possible, I am indebted to the Southwest Society of New York and to Miss Mary C. Wheelwright for their generous help with its publication. Thanks are also due Dr. Elsie Clews Parsons and Dr. Ruth Benedict for suggestions and aid in preparation of the manuscript. Finally I wish to express my gratitude to Dr. Byron Cummings and Mr. and Mrs. Robert Knowles for their help and kindly interest.

Endnotes:
¹ The five groups were: White Mountain, Cibecue, San Carlos, Southern Tonto, and Northern Tonto. For limits of territory, interrelations between, and etc. see Goodwin, "Social Divisions and Economic Life of the Western Apache," American Anthropologist, Vol. 37, pp. 55-64. (back to text)

² Bylas is an Apache settlement divided into two communities, one of the White Mountain people, the other of San Carlos and Southern Tonto. (back to text)

³ Allowances were made in telling me the tales out of season. (back to text)

⁴ His failure to choose certain things offered him by the sun, thus forfeiting cultural superiority to Europeans. (back to text)

⁵ For a description of White Mountain Apache clans, see Goodwin, "The Characteristics and Function of Clan in a Southern Athapascan Culture," American Anthropologist, Vol. 39, (1937) pp. 394-407. (back to text)

⁶ For a description of the religion, see Goodwin, "White Mountain Apache Religion," American Anthropologist, Vol. 40, (1938) pp. 24-37. (back to text)